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INTELLECTUAL  AND  POLITICAL  CUR- 
RENTS IN  THE  FAR  EAST 
WORLD  POLITICS 
COLONIAL  GOVERNMENT 
COLONIAL  ADMINISTRATION 
AMERICAN  LEGISLATURES  AND  LEGIS- 
LATIVE METHODS 
PUBLIC  INTERNATIONAL  UNIONS 
READINGS  ON  AMERICAN  FEDERAL 
GOVERNMENT 

READINGS  ON  AMERICAN  STATE  GOV- 
ERNMENT 

ENGLISH  COMMON  LAW  IN  THE  EARLY 
AMERICAN  COLONIES 

J 


INTELLECTUAL  AND  POLITICAL 
CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


INTELLECTUAL  AND 
POLITICAL  CURRENTS  IN 
THE  EAR  EAST 


BY 


PAUL  S.  REINSCH 


?H!H 


24  1< 

^%06/CAL  Stf 


BOSTON  AND  NEW  YOBK 
HOUGHTON  MIFFLIN  COMPANY 
(£fje  Ritoerjtfibe  pres$  Catnbribse 


COPYRIGHT,  I9II,  BY  PAUL  S.  REINSCH 
ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED 


Published  November  xqil 


To  A.  M.  R. 
Quorum  pars  magna  fuisti 


PREFACE 


As  long  as  a hundred  years  ago  a great  philosopher 
said,  “Indian  wisdom  is  streaming  back  to  Europe  and 
will  bring  about  a fundamental  change  in  our  knowledge 
and  thought.”  But  it  is  only  the  events  of  the  more  re- 
cent past  — the  rise  of  Japan,  the  great  Chinese  trans- 
formation, the  nationalist  movement  throughout  the 
Orient  — that  have  made  us  more  generally  conscious 
of  the  fact  that  the  separate  existence  of  the  East  and 
the  West  has  come  to  an  end,  and  that,  in  profoundly 
influencing  each  other,  they  will  both  contribute  their 
share  in  developing  the  all-human  civilization  of  the 
future.  There  have  been  great  crises  in  past  history, 
but  none  comparable  to  the  drama  which  is  now  being 
enacted  in  the  Far  East,  upon  the  outcome  of  which  de- 
pends the  welfare  not  only  of  a country  or  section  but  of 
all  mankind.  In  order  that  the  issues  now  pending  may 
be  solved  in  a proper  way,  a sympathetic  mutual  under- 
standing between  different  races  or  civilizations  is  indis- 
pensable. 

In  the  essays  contained  in  this  volume  no  attempt  has 
been  made  to  lay  down  hard-and-fast  conclusions,  nor  to 
make  any  political  prophecies;  they  are  merely  thoughts 
and  notes  of  one  who  has  watched  from  day  to  day  with 
the  deepest  interest  the  marvelous  unfolding  of  a new 


PREFACE 


viii 

life  throughout  the  East.  In  forming  for  himself  a pic- 
ture of  what  is  going  on  in  the  intellectual  life  of  the  Far 
East,  the  author  has  made  constant  use  of  the  Oriental 
periodical  press  and  contemporary  literature,  but  he  has 
also  been  assisted  by  numerous  correspondents,  who 
have  kept  him  supplied  with  translations,  with  signi- 
ficant accounts  of  contemporary  ideas  and  happenings, 
and  with  commentaries.  All  this  has  been  most  helpful 
in  gaining  a composite  view  of  contemporary  Oriental 
thought.  The  author,  therefore,  desires  to  express  his 
acknowledgments  to  his  friends  and  correspondents  in 
the  Far  East,  many  of  them  former  students  of  his;  but 
especially  to  Mr.  Horatio  B.  Hawkins  of  Soochow;  Mr. 
Tsai  Chu-tung  and  Mr.  Chang  Lauchi,  of  Shanghai; 
Mr. Stanley  K.  Hornbeck,  of  Hangchow;  Mr.  Motosada 
Zumoto,  Dr.  Toyokichi  Iyenaga,  Mr.  Masao  Matsuoka, 
Mr.  R.  G.  Konno,  Mr.  Kazuo  Ebina,  Mr.  Basanta  Koo- 
mar  Roy,  and  Mr.  H.  C.  Das.  These  gentlemen  are,  of 
course,  in  no  sense  and  in  no  instance  responsible  for 
the  judgments  expressed  in  these  essays.  The  author 
also  desires  to  acknowledge  the  kindness  of  the  editors 
of  the  Atlantic  Monthly  and  the  North  American  Review 
for  allowing  him  to  use  parts  of  his  articles  which  first 
appeared  in  their  pages. 

Paul  S.  Reinsch. 


Madison,  July  1,  1911. 


CONTENTS 


I.  Asiatic  Unity 1 

II.  Energism  in  the  Orient 41 

III.  Intellectual  Leadership  in  Contem- 

porary India 62 

IV.  Intellectual  Tendencies  in  the  Chinese 

Reform  Movement 116 

V.  The  New  Education  in  China  . . . .187 

VI.  A Parliament  for  China 225 

VII.  Intellectual  Life  in  Japan 272 

VIII.  Political  Parties  and  Parliamentary 

Government  in  Japan 355 


INTELLECTUAL  AND  POLITICAL 
CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 

CHAPTER  I 

ASIATIC  UNITY 

To  personify  a nation  and  to  invest  it  with  certain 
definite  attributes  has  always  been  an  attractive  short- 
cut to  knowledge,  and  a convenient  basis  for  sweeping 
judgments.  It  is  not  surprising  that  this  method  should 
have  been  applied  with  even  greater  boldness  to  a whole 
continent,  for  the  infinite  variety  of  Oriental  life  makes 
patient  inquiry  exceedingly  perplexing.  Such  aphorisms 
as  “The  East  is  the  East”  afford  a welcome  solution, 
but,  it  must  be  confessed,  not  one  which  will  long  satisfy 
the  inquiring  mind,  nor  afford  a reliable  guidance  in 
political  action.  It  may  therefore  be  worth  while  to 
make  some  search  whether  amid  all  this  diversity  of  so- 
cial phenomena  there  may  actually  be  discovered  a bond 
of  unity.  Are  there  elements  in  Oriental  life  universal 
and  powerful  enough  to  constitute  a living  unity  of  sen- 
timent for  the  surging  multitudes  of  the  Orient?  What 
thoughts  can  they  summon  up  which  will  stir  in  them 
such  feelings  as  overcome  us  when  we  see  the  luminous 
masterpieces  of  the  Greek  chisel,  or  the  soaring  arches 


2 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


and  pinnacles  of  Bourges;  when  we  think  of  the  civic 
wisdom  of  Rome,  the  blossoming  of  Christian  ideals  of 
the  middle  ages?  What  names  are  there  to  compel  hom- 
age and  undying  admiration  as  the  great  ruler  after 
whom  all  emperors  are  named,  what  philosophers  to 
compare  with  the  two  Hellenic  master  spirits  in  whom 
all  our  thoughts  and  systems  have  their  source,  what 
representatives  of  an  Oriental  world-literature  as  uni- 
versal as  the  divine  bard,  or  the  exiled  Ghibelline  of 
Florence? 

Whether  such  a unity  of  thought  and  sentiment,  such 
a common  tradition  of  powerful  personality  exists  in  the 
Orient,  appears  at  first  sight  very  doubtful,  indeed.  We 
must  constantly  be  on  our  guard  against  misleading  simi- 
larities and  antitheses.  Truth  resides  neither  in  “Yes” 
nor  “No,”  neither  in  difference  nor  in  identity,  but  in 
the  shade  or  manner,  the  subtle  relations  of  thought 
which  lead  one  race  or  generation  to  emphasize  classic 
form,  while  another  dwells  on  inner  force  or  romantic 
charm,  both  believing  after  all  the  same  religion  of 
beauty.  Thus  the  analogies  between  Christianity  and 
Buddhism  are  many,  and  Confucius  solved  moral  prob- 
lems in  a manner  not  unlike  other  great  moral  teachers, 
so  that  his  wisdom  often  appears  trite  to  those  who  are 
looking  for  the  strange  and  unaccustomed. 

Indeed,  it  may  be  said  that  whatever  has  been 
thought  has,  at  some  time  or  other,  been  thought  in 
Asia.  But  though  the  periphery  and  the  contents  of  two 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


3 


theories  may  be  almost  identical,  their  import  may 
nevertheless  be  immeasurably  diverse,  according  to  the 
nuance  of  emphasis  imparted  by  the  psychological  bSbk- 
ground  of  primal  motives  and  beliefs.  Thus  the  theories 
of  the  advocate  of  Stuart  absolutism  and  of  the  senti- 
mental herald  of  the  Revolution  are  almost  identical  in 
their  component  elements,  when  statically  compared; 
yet  how  vastly  different  in  import  and  result,  through 
distribution  of  emphasis  and  grouping  of  their  various 
concepts.  Even  thus  it  is  with  Gotama,  Kapila,  and 
Confucius : we  should  probably  get  closer  to  a real  under- 
standing of  Asiatic  unity  and  of  the  relations  of  East 
and  West,  if  instead  of  enumerating  and  counterbalanc- 
ing qualities  and  characteristics,  and  setting  up  a fixed 
standard  called  Oriental,  we  should  rather  try  to  seize 
the  subtle  and  Protean  temper  animating  Oriental  races; 
and  instead  of  dilating  upon  the  whole  complex  of  their 
beliefs  and  institutions,  attempt  to  appreciate  the  shades 
and  gradations  of  meaning,  and  to  understand  the  tem- 
peramental background  of  Oriental  life  and  thought. 
We  may  then  perhaps  find  less  Orientalism  in  Schopen- 
hauer, as  we  have  enough  of  pessimism  in  the  West  to 
supply  sundry  philosophers;  nor  shall  we  probably  be 
confident  enough  to  strike  a balance  between  East  and 
West  that  will  settle  categorically  all  questions  of  superi- 
ority and  power  of  triumphant  control.  No  glittering 
aphorisms  will  reward  us;  nor  sensational  thrills  and  ex- 
citements. These  joys  we  must  forego,  if  we  desire  to 


4 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


approach  the  Orient  in  the  spirit  typified  by  a Hum- 
boldt rather  than  in  the  excited  fancy  of  the  exorcist  of 
war  clouds  and  many-colored  perils. 

The  Orient  has  always  had  a dangerous  fascination  for 
the  West;  it  has  filled  the  Western  mind  with  vague 
longings,  fantastic  imaginings,  and  lurid  forebodings. 
As  fair  Italy  with  Circean  charm  enticed  the  rough  riders 
of  the  Alemannian  forests,  even  so  the  Orient  has  always 
cast  a powerful  spell  over  the  nations  of  the  West.  Her 
deep  philosophy,  her  venerable  history,  command  their 
wonder  and  respect;  her  potential  energy  and  wealth 
arouse  their  cupidity.  The  Russian  mind  has  been  espe- 
cially prone  to  such  entrancing  dreams.  “The  grand  and 
mysterious  Orient  — it  is  ours,  it  is  through  us  that  its 
destiny  is  to  be  realized”;  thus  ran  their  thought;  yet 
they  were  destined  in  unforeseen  ways  to  prove  the  mys- 
terious power  which  they  had  hoped  to  bind  to  their 
will  and  make  the  instrument  of  a boundless  ambition. 
Such  vague  aspirations  make  the  romance  of  history, 
but  they  also  make  the  heart-rending  misery  of  suffering 
millions. 

Two  utterances  by  prominent  British  statesmen  have 
of  late  caused  a great  wave  of  discussion  in  the  intellect- 
ual world  of  the  East,  particularly  in  India.  On  account 
of  their  deep  effect  — due  to  very  different  causes — they 
deserve  our  attention,  and  may  reveal  to  us  some  inter- 
esting views  of  the  temper  of  the  Oriental  mind.  When 
Viceroy  of  India,  Lord  Curzon,  fond  of  imperial  display 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


5 


and  realizing  the  importance  of  an  impressive  cere- 
monial, was  always  ready  to  take  advantage  of  occasions 
of  public  moment.  It  being  a part  of  his  official  life  to 
personify  both  the  grandeur  and  the  wisdom  of  the  Brit- 
ish raj,  he  was  not  satisfied  with  the  mere  outward  pomp 
and  trappings  of  royal  splendor,  but  also  addressed 
himself  to  the  intelligence  of  his  subjects  in  dignified 
discourses.  But  the  homily  which,  shortly  before  his 
resignation,  he  delivered  at  the  Convocation  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Calcutta  seems  to  have  gone  far  towards  de- 
stroying whatever  assuaging  effect  his  former  diplomatic 
utterances  had  exerted.  Speaking  before  a select  body  of 
the  intellectual  aristocracy  of  India,  he  pronounced  his 
views  on  some  aspects  of  Oriental  character.  Though  he 
directed  his  remarks  to  the  graduating  students,  his 
words  wrere  taken  by  his  hearers,  and  by  those  to 
whom  they  were  reechoed  through  the  Indian  press,  as 
a reproof  deliberately  offered  to  the  moral  character  of 
India. 

The  words  which  thus  stirred  up  the  resentment  of  a 
whole  nation,  and  which  are  even  now  remembered 
throughout  Asia,  would  not  at  first  sight  strike  us  as 
extravagant,  accustomed  as  we  are  to  the  most  fanci- 
ful generalizations  about  Oriental  races.  But  their 
solemn  recital  in  the  face  of  a representative  Indian 
audience,  on  an  occasion  generally  consecrated  to  sooth- 
ing commonplaces,  is  an  instance  qf  the  traditional  de- 
fectiveness of  the  British  sense  of  humor.  Such  sen- 


6 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


tences  as  the  following  aroused  the  storm  which  has  not 
yet  subsided:  “The  highest  ideal  of  truth  is  to  a large 
extent  a Western  conception.  . . . Truth  took  a higher 
place  in  the  moral  codes  of  the  West  long  before  it  had 
been  similarly  honored  in  the  East,  where  craftiness  and 
diplomatic  wile  have  always  been  held  in  repute.  We 
may  prove  it  by  the  common  innuendo  that  lurks  in  the 
words  ‘Oriental  diplomacy’  by  which  is  meant  some- 
thing rather  tortuous  and  hypersubtie.”  Lord  Curzon 
then  explained  that  the  most  ordinary  forms  which  false- 
hood takes  in  Indian  life  are  exaggeration,  flattery,  and 
vilification. 

The  retorts  to  this  salutatory  address  were  legion,  and 
ran  through  the  whole  gamut  of  feeling,  from  bitter 
recrimination  to  dignified  regret  at  the  Viceroy’s  total 
misunderstanding  of  native  life  and  ideals.  There  was  no 
scarcity  of  material  for  retort,  when  the  records  of  the 
British  conquest  in  India  were  raked  up.  Lord  Lytton’s 
definition  of  a diplomat,  and  such  well-known  epithets 
as  perfide  Albion,  not  to  speak  of  more  pointed  and  per- 
sonal charges,  were  cited  to  neutralize  the  innuendo: 
while  a strange  light  was  cast  upon  Western  veracity  by 
recounting  the  methods  of  American  fraud  concerns. 
Comparisons  between  the  Greek  and  the  Indian  epic 
readily  revealed  the  unfoundedness  of  Lord  Curzon’s 
allusion  to  the  historic  development  of  the  sense  of  truth- 
fulness; Greek  practice,  too,  was  very  unfavorably  con- 
trasted with  that  of  Asiatic  nations  like  Persia.  General 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


7 


surprise  was  expressed  at  the  rash  generalizations  of  the 
Viceroy:  “The  idea  of  summing  up  a whole  continent 
in  a single  phrase  can  occur  only  to  the  very  ignorant  or 
the  very  confident.”  Lord  Curzon  had  “ given  rein  to 
the  ignorant  conceit  of  pigment  and  power,”  and  had 
“emulated  Elijah  in  berating  a whole  nation.”  Sarcastic 
references  to  Western  forms  of  speech  became  very 
common  in  India,  such  as,  “anew  liquor-shop,  — they 
call  it  a saloon  in  the  more  truthful  phraseology  of 
the  civilized  West.” 

The  occurrence,  however,  stirred  up  feelings  deeper 
than  a mere  passing  resentment  and  irritation.  It  led  to 
an  earnest  self-analysis,  and  an  accounting  was  taken  of 
the  Indian  intellectual  temper  in  its  relation  to  the  Euro- 
pean rulers.  While  the  most  serious-minded  among  the 
educated  Hindus  freely  admitted  that  the  strictures  of 
Lord  Curzon  were  not  entirely  unfounded,  they  with 
bitterness  of  heart  advanced  the  charge  that  if  the  char- 
acter and  the  national  self-respect  of  the  Indian  people 
had  been  impaired,  such  was  the  inevitable  result  of 
unfreedom  and  political  subjection.  “ The  greatest  evil,” 
they  said,  “that  has  been  wrought  by  the  political  do- 
minion of  England  over  India  is  the  loss  of  our  old  Ori- 
ental dignity  and  reserve  — that  nobility  of  knowing 
reticence.”  Despotism  and  lying  go  together,  as  the 
national  spirit  is  debased  by  subjection,  and  the  indi- 
vidual who  is  oppressed  will,  like  the  boy,  look  upon  a 
falsehood  as  an  abomination  before  the  Lord,  but  a very 


8 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


present  help  in  trouble.  That  the  head  of  the  alien  gov- 
ernment should  charge  a nation  with  weaknesses  which 
might  largely  be  attributed  to  its  position  of  dependence, 
was,  in  the  eyes  of  these  critics,  to  add  insult  to  an  in- 
jury for  which  his  own  people  were  responsible. 

But  aside  from  a certain  degeneracy  imposed  by  un- 
kind conditions,  the  full  tragedy  of  which  they  keenly 
felt,  the  leaders  of  Indian  thought  would  not  admit  that 
veracity  and  honesty  are  held  in  less  esteem  in  the  Orient 
than  among  European  peoples.  They  pointed  out,  how- 
ever, a highly  important  difference  in  valuations,  the 
spirit  of  which  Lord  Curzon  had  failed  to  mention  or  to 
perceive.  While  freely  admitting  the  greater  exactness 
of  the  Western  mind  in  observation  and  statement,  they 
attributed  this  not  to  superior  honesty  but  to  a keener 
perception  of  the  utility  of  accurate  thought.  Veracity 
is  a social  and  commercial  commodity  in  England  and 
America,  in  many  cases  scarcely  involving  any  moral 
valuations  at  all.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Oriental  is 
prone  to  exaggeration,  this  is  not  due  to  a deliberate 
desire  to  deceive  and  to  impart  false  impressions.  His 
temper  being  emotional  and  idealistic,  he  makes  known 
his  impressions  in  a language,  not  mathematically  precise 
and  coldly  accurate,  but  designed  to  awaken  the  same 
emotions  of  surprise,  wonder,  admiration,  or  fear,  which 
he  himself  experienced.  He  is  not  dishonest,  though  his 
statements  lack  accuracy.  In  the  words  of  an  Indian 
writer,  “ It  will  not  do  to  exaggerate  the  heating  power 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


9 


of  the  sun,  if  you  want  to  roast  your  beef  by  his  rays. 
When,  however,  you  do  not  desire  to  install  the  luminary 
of  day  as  your  chef,  but  to  contemplate  his  majesty 
and  glory,  to  meditate  on  the  promise  of  his  morning 
rays,  and  read  the  message  of  his  dying  splendors,  then 
the  play  of  the  poetic  imagination  becomes  an  essential 
condition.”  Educated  Hindus  were  inclined  to  doubt 
whether  the  standard  of  utility  is  higher  than  the  emo- 
tional and  spiritual  standard  of  the  Indian  mind. 

In  considering  the  question  of  the  valuations  of  the 
ideal  of  truth,  I need  not  repeat  Max  Muller’s  brilliant 
vindication  of  the  essential  truthfulness  of  Oriental 
races,  nor  should  we  perhaps  be  ready  to  follow  him  in 
every  detail  of  his  apologetics.  But  we  shall  find  that 
most  fundamental  honesty  which  requires  that  our  ac- 
tions should  correspond  to  our  profession  and  our  be- 
liefs, in  as  high  regard  among  the  Oriental  peoples  as 
with  those  of  the  West.  The  ideals  of  their  beliefs  may  be 
less  elevated  than  our  own,  but  at  any  rate  there  is  also 
less  variance  between  actions  and  belief  among  Con- 
fucians,  Shintoists,  and  Buddhists  than  among  the  ma- 
jority of  good  Christian  people.  Moreover,  a more  hon- 
est attitude  towards  the  problems  of  life  than  that  which 
characterizes  the  thought  of  Buddha  and  Confucius  can 
hardly  be  imagined;  the  relations  of  life  are  clearly  seen, 
social  duties  are  faithfully  met,  and  no  facile  optimism 
is  allowed  to  gloss  over  life’s  tragedies.  Buddha  faced 
unflinchingly  the  misery  of  existence,  and  without  ap- 


10 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


pealing  for  salvation  to  a future  state,  worked  with  a will 
to  discover  the  path  by  which  men  can  gain  peace  and 
an  ennobled  life  here  below.  Such  a system,  if  not  true, 
is  certainly  at  least  honest. 

Nothing  has  set  up  a more  impassable  barrier  between 
the  peoples  of  the  East  and  the  West  than  the  profound 
discrepancy  between  Christian  profession  and  practice. 
The  deceitful  selfishness,  the  rapacity  and  bloodshed, 
with  which  Christian  nations  have  established  their 
power  in  the  Orient,  the  viciousness  of  the  earlier  adven- 
turers and  traders,  have  thoroughly  alienated  sympathy 
and  destroyed  confidence.  When,  after  the  revolting 
record  of  the  Chinese  War,  the  Western  nations  offer 
themselves  as  moral  exhorters,  the  cultured  Oriental 
is  tempted  to  smile  at  the  incongruity.  But  the  disillu- 
sionment which  is  thus  created  has  its  tragic  side,  too. 
How  pathetic  is  the  blighted  hope  and  utter  despair  of  an 
ardent  convert  like  Nilakantha  Goreh  whose  high  expec- 
tations of  Christian  life  are  disappointed ! After  cutting 
loose  from  his  earlier  beliefs,  and  thereby  bringing  deep 
sorrow  on  all  his  beloved  ones, 1 this  young  Indian  scholar 
came  to  England  to  live  in  that  atmosphere  of  love  and 
purity  whose  ideal  simplicity  had  attracted  his  soul  after 
he  had  fought  his  way  through  all  the  systems  of  Indian 
philosophy.  But  after  six  weeks  in  London,  he  came  to 
his  Oxford  mentor  with  the  sorrowful  words,  “If  what  I 

1 Hia  father  took  the  vow  of  eternal  silence,  so  as  not  to  have 
to  pronounce  the  curse  against  his  son. 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


11 


have  seen  in  London  is  Christianity,  I am  no  longer  a 
Christian.”  His  noble  and  brilliant  intellect  was  ultim- 
ately wrecked  through  his  great  disillusionment.  So  it  is 
possible  that  under  the  law  of  compensation  we  may 
have  lost  somewhat  in  honesty  of  life  while  we  have 
gained  in  exactness  of  statement  and  thought. 

Though  the  appreciation  of  scientific  exactness  has  of 
late  increased  very  much  in  the  Orient,  yet  Oriental 
thinkers  are  not  ready  to  give  it  quite  an  absolutely  lead- 
ing importance  among  their  ideals.  It  is  in  this  connec- 
tion that  the  other  utterance  I have  mentioned  — a 
recent  address  of  Mr.  Balfour  as  president  of  the  British 
Association  of  Science  — created  a powerful  impression 
in  the  Orient.  He  discussed  the  electrical  theory  of  mat- 
ter, the  latest  result  of  the  advances  of  physical  science, 
according  to  which  the  world  is  motion  or  energy,  ex- 
pressed in  terms  of  electric  monads.  Under  recent  dis- 
coveries the  supposed  solidity  of  matter  has  melted 
away;  with  proper  light  we  may  now  look  through  the 
heart  of  oak,  nor  will  the  massive  fortress  wall  resist 
these  penetrating  rays.  The  solid  mountains  and  an- 
cient strata  of  our  earth  are  themselves  but  imprisoned 
energy,  and  all  our  perceptions  are  the  result  of  winged 
motion.  After  dwelling  on  the  marvelous  vistas  thus 
disclosed,  the  philosophical  statesman  said,  “It  may 
seem  singular  that  down  to  five  years  ago,  our  race  has, 
without  exception,  lived  and  died  in  a world  of  illusions, 
and  that  these  illusions  have  ,not  been  about  things 


12 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


remote  or  abstract,  things  transcendental  or  divine,  but 
about  what  men  see  and  handle,  about  those  ‘ plain  mat- 
ters of  fact  ’ among  which  common  sense  moves  with  its 
most  confident  step  and  most  self-satisfied  smile.”  Thus 
our  sensual  sight  and  touch  have  been  deceived,  and  it 
is  only  through  the  inspired  vision,  the  penetrating  im- 
agination, of  great  scientific  seers,  that  the  truth  of  the 
real  constitution  of  the  universe  is  beginning  to  dawn 
upon  our  intelligence.  Mr.  Balfour  further  notes  that 
through  evolution  our  senses  have  not  been  prepared  for 
the  vision  of  the  inner  and  absolute  truth  of  things.  The 
common  sense  of  humanity  lives  in  persistent  illusion; 
“matter  of  fact”  means  deception.  The  needs  of  self  and 
race  preservation  lead  to  all  the  falsehoods  and  deceits 
involved  in  the  shrewdness  of  competitive  life,  the  illu- 
sions of  sexual  selection,  and  the  master  fallacy  of  vulgar 
patriotism. 

When  Western  thinkers  express  and  suggest  such 
thoughts  as  these  they  awaken  a strange  echo  in  the 
philosophy  of  the  East  in  both  Hindu  and  Buddhist 
lands;  — the  vanity  and  illusoriness  of  sensual  existence, 
the  veil  of  Maya  cast  over  us  which  produces  the  delusion 
of  the  ego,  of  finite  personality;  and  the  Buddhist  belief 
that  the  desire  for  individual  existence  is  the  root  of  all 
suffering,  that  true  happiness  comes  alone  from  the  per- 
ception of  the  transitoriness  of  all  things  and  from  the 
gradual  conquest  of  the  error  of  self.  As  the  implica- 
tions of  these  views  have  been  fully  realized  in  the  East, 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


13 


the  attitude  of  the  Oriental  mind  towards  the  practical, 
scientific  knowledge,  which  we  value  so  highly,  has  dif- 
fered greatly  from  our  own.  The  usefulness  of  science 
for  increasing  the  comforts  of  life  is  indeed  admitted, 
and  use  will  be  made  of  its  guidance  for  practical  pur- 
poses; but  to  the  Oriental,  soul  life  will  always  be  more 
important  than  bodily  existence.  Buddhism,  in  the 
words  of  one  of  its  adherents,  finds  its  goal  rather  in  the 
delights  of  a deep  appreciation  of  the  realities  of  exist- 
ence, in  the  exercise  of  the  higher  mental  faculties,  in  a 
life  transfused  with  everyday  beauty,  than  in  the  posses- 
sion of  innumerable  means  of  advancing  wealth  and  com- 
merce, of  gratifying  sense,  of  promoting  merely  bodily 
comfort. 

As  the  Oriental  strives  to  overcome  the  fetters  and 
limitations  of  personal  existence,  so  his  mind  yearns 
rather  towards  the  vast  mysteries  that  surround  life  on 
all  sides;  it  loves  to  dwell  on  the  problems  of  infinitude 
and  of  the  ultimate  springs  of  human  action,  rather  than 
to  confine  itself  within  the  narrow  limits  of  detailed  scien- 
tific investigation.  Notwithstanding  the  sane  and  posi- 
tivist teachings  of  Buddha  and  Confucius,  their  insist- 
ence on  the  duties  of  present  life,  their  refusal  to  pass  in 
thought  beyond  the  awful  gates  of  life  and  death,  the 
yearning  of  the  Oriental  mind  had  been  towards  the 
mysterious.  From  the  Tantra  devils  of  Thibet,  through 
the  awe-struck  philosophies  of  Hinduism,  to  the  subtle 
imaginings  of  ghostly  Japan,  this  tendency  to  contem- 


14 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


plate  the  mysterious,  the  grand,  the  far-away  in  time 
and  space,  is  powerfully  present.  Day  with  its  solar 
splendor,  with  its  clear  and  bright  illumination,  reveals 
the  form  and  color  of  things  near  by,  of  household,  mea- 
dow, and  forest;  yet  this  very  brightness  and  effulgence 
is  a heavy  curtain  that  conceals  from  our  sight  the  uni- 
verse, the  myriads  of  worlds  which  the  clearness  of  night 
will  unveil.  Compared  to  these,  our  empires  are  but 
fragments  of  dust.  Even  so  the  clear  light  of  experimen- 
tal science  to  the  Oriental  seems  but  a shred  of  that  veil 
of  Maya  which  hides  the  real,  the  universal,  the  abso- 
lute, from  our  sight. 

The  reason  for  this  peculiar  Asiatic  bent  toward  the 
mystic,  as  compared  with  the  white-light  intelligence  of 
Europe,  may  perhaps  be  found  in  the  constant  presence 
of  overawing  natural  phenomena.  Europe,  with  its  nar- 
row valleys,  its  rivers  across  which  any  strong-limbed 
man  may  swim,  its  equable  temperature,  its  normal  suc- 
cession of  seasons,  is  indeed  the  place  where  human  in- 
telligence could  learn  to  respect  itself,  and  man  conceive 
the  thought  of  measuring  his  powers  with  those  of  nature. 
But  stand  before  the  heaven-conquering  walls  of  the 
Himalayas,  gaze  across  the  continents  of  sand  in  Asiatic 
deserts,  shifted  again  and  again  by  storm  so  as  to  sweep 
away  or  create  anew  veritable  mountain  ranges;  contem- 
plate the  torrents,  which  without  warning  bring  destruc- 
tion to  thousands,  and  the  inundations  in  which  hosts 
lose  home  and  life;  think  of  earthquakes,  typhoons,  tidal 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


15 


waves,  and  the  black  scourge  of  famine  and  pestilence  as 
constantly  impending;  and  then  apostrophize  man  and 
his  intelligence  as  the  master  of  it  all ; and  you  will  find 
few  believers  among  the  cowed  sufferers  from  the  imperi- 
ous caprice  of  nature. 

Overawed  by  such  forces,  surrounded  by  a nature 
bountiful  and  caressing  at  one  moment,  bitterly  cruel 
and  destructive  the  next,  the  Orient  could  not  avoid  a 
temper  of  mind  which  looks  on  human  contrivance  as 
weak,  on  human  existence  as  valueless,  and  sees  real 
force  and  permanent  sway  only  in  the  vast,  mysterious 
powers  of  earth  and  sky.  Personality,  a mere  plaything 
of  the  grim  and  irresponsible,  cannot  have  any  import- 
ance in  itself ; and  the  best  solution  is  that  all  this  ter- 
ror-inspiring existence  is  but  a phantasmagoria,  an  illu- 
sion, a procession  of  incongruous  dream  states.  And  yet 
it  is  an  emanation  of  the  universal  force.  The  imperson- 
ality of  the  Orient  has  for  its  counterpart  an  intensive 
appreciation  of  the  universal  force  whatever  it  may  be 
called.  For  as  the  individual  counts  as  nothing  in  the 
philosophy  of  the  Brahman  and  the  Buddhist,  in  the 
polity  of  China  and  Japan,  it  is  the  realization  of  the 
universal  spirit  or  force,  in  some  form  or  other,  that  con- 
stitutes the  chief  yearning  of  the  Asiatic  mind.  The 
Hindu  spiritualizes  and  personifies  nature  in  his  crowded 
pantheon,  and  sees  in  all  phenomena  the  expression  of 
one  mysterious  will;  Buddha,  admitting  neither  spirit 
human  nor  divine,  yet  finds  peace  and  happiness  in  the 


16 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


elevation  of  the  individual  mind  to  the  plane  of  universal 
thought,  to  the  contemplation  of  universal  law.  In 
China  and  Japan  the  universal  is  worshiped  in  the  form 
of  ancestral  achievement,  in  that  strange  identification 
of  ancestral  spirits  with  the  soul  of  the  country;  so  that, 
in  the  minds  of  the  people,  sacred  Fuji  and  the  groves 
and  rivers  and  seas  of  Japan  are  united  with  the  qualities 
of  that  silent  but  ever-present  choir  of  ghosts  from  which 
Japan  draws  her  inspiration  and  strength. 

From  our  one-sided  point  of  view,  we  would  say  that 
humanity  in  the  Orient,  overpowered  by  destiny  in  the 
shape  of  natural  catastrophe,  famine,  pestilence,  and 
war,  has  not  yet  found  itself.  It  has  never  enjoyed  the 
shelter  of  the  Greek  city  in  which  Western  humanity 
first  became  conscious  of  its  powers  and  its  individuality. 
For  though  the  great  master  Gotama  had  a clear  vision 
of  human  spiritual  development,  his  simple  and  austere 
faith  has  been  overlaid  by  the  powerful  impulse  of  Asiatic 
nature,  with  a rank  growth  of  animism  and  mysticism. 
And  though  Confucius,  too,  clung  to  the  practical,  his 
very  authority  in  the  course  of  time  deadened  individual 
striving  and  advance.  Oriental  humanity  has  indeed 
found  itself  in  the  nation  of  Japan,  — in  that  brave  race 
which,  drawing  courage  and  poetry  from  the  very  terrors 
of  the  grave,  with  all  the  deep  suggestiveness  of  Asiatic 
insight,  has  still  the  iron  grip  of  self-control  and  the  clear 
vision  of  the  practical. 

The  Orient  shuns  limitations.  Indeed,  if  we  may  be 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


17 


permitted  to  generalize,  one  of  the  chief  differences  be- 
tween Oriental  and  Western  civilization  lies  in  the  fact 
that  the  former  has  never  strictly  and  consistently  lim- 
ited the  field  of  its  consciousness  and  of  its  endeavors,  but 
has  allowed  all  the  sensations  and  passions  of  past  and 
present,  of  the  indefinite  and  the  infinite,  to  crowd  in 
upon  it,  so  that  the  sense  of  individual  form  in  thought 
and  life  has  not  been  developed.  While  in  the  West,  ex- 
pressing itself  in  the  idea  of  classicism,  and  in  the  con- 
crete imaginings  of  the  Greeks,  there  has  been  a steady 
effort  to  confine  human  thought  and  sentiment  within 
certain  lines,  to  dwell  on  certain  aspects  of  life  which 
seemed  to  be  most  closely  connected  with  human  per- 
sonality as  a dominant  factor;  excluding  the  fierce  and 
untoward  moods  of  nature,  and  suppressing  certain  weird 
and  uncanny  tendencies  of  thought  as  abnormal  and  in 
fact  insane.  But  such  classic  limitations  of  individuality 
are  not  of  the  spirit  of  the  Orient.  Rather  than  limit  the 
individual  formally  and  thus  allow  the  development  of 
characteristic  individualism,  it  would  identify  him  with 
the  social  body,  and  his  soul  with  the  world-soul.  Thus 
also,  while  most  punctilious  of  social  forms,  and  bowing 
to  a superrefined  social  etiquette,  it  does  not  counten- 
ance the  tyranny  of  shifting  fashions,  or  the  conventional 
respectability  founded  on  a certain  exclusiveness  of  the 
individual. 

In  India,  it  is  considered  meritorious  for  the  householder 
and  father  to  leave  behind  him  the  confining  relations  of 


18 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


family  life  and  to  become  a hermit  or  monk.  The  man 
who  leaves  his  home  and  family,  dresses  himself  in  rags, 
and  ravages  his  body  with  hardships  and  ill-usage,  may 
become  an  honored  teacher,  the  intellectual  and  spiritual 
guide  to  many.  Men  love  to  cast  off  the  shackles  of  re- 
spectability and  take  to  the  highways  and  the  woods; 
and  they  gain  merit  by  so  doing.  They  are  the  religious, 
the  philosophers,  the  inspiration  of  the  multitudes.  To 
the  people  they  appear  to  realize  various  immunities.  In 
India,  hermits  come  year  after  year  from  the  mountains 
to  visit  valley  towns,  showing  no  signs  of  aging  as  far  back 
as  old  men  can  remember.  This  same  longing  for  the 
unlimited,  the  unrestrained,  together  with  the  influence 
of  terrific  natural  phenomena  in  Asia,  lies  at  the  bottom 
of  the  uncanny  horror  and  mystery  of  Asiatic  life.  In  the 
delicate  ghost  stories  of  Japan  this  feeling  has  assumed 
a graceful  and  poetic  aspect,  the  aesthetic  possibilities  of 
awe  and  terror  have  been  realized  to  the  full.  But  in 
India  where  coarse  magic  flourishes  and  preys  on  a su- 
perstitious multitude,  the  awfulness  of  the  abysses  of 
human  consciousness  may  be  divined. 

The  Greek  portrayal  of  death  has  in  this  respect 
sounded  the  keynote  of  our  civilization.  The  terror,  the 
heart-rending  ugliness  of  dissolution,  the  hopeless  void, 
are  not  in  the  remotest  way  suggested ; the  gentleness  of 
grief,  the  sweetness  of  consolation,  the  companionship 
of  loved  ones  are  represented;  while  death  himself  is  a 
friendly  genius  summoning  to  rest.  And  so  in  our  history 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


19 


we  early  outgrew  ancestor  worship,  and  resolutely  turn- 
ing our  back  on  the  past  with  all  its  degrading  memories 
and  bestial  struggles,  we  faced  the  morning  of  hope,  the 
promise  of  a sunny  day.  Deep  in  the  night  of  subcon- 
sciousness there  is  still  a dark  and  unclean  deposit  of 
wilder  ages,  of  sordid  life,  cruelty,  ignoble  conquest,  and 
harsh  passions.  In  the  elemental  fury  of  war,  these 
lower  instincts  awaken,  and  men  wrhom  we  love  as 
friends  and  brothers  may  be  dragged  down  to  the  level 
of  a bestial  age.  But  the  total  effect  of  our  civilization 
and  training  is  to  draw  our  consciousness  away  from 
such  impulses,  to  concentrate  our  vision  upon  our  present 
ideals.  For  how  could  we  preserve  a sense  of  individu- 
ality and  spirituality,  were  we  to  be  dragged  back  con- 
stantly into  the  terrors  and  passions  of  primitive  ages. 

Much  of  the  subtle  charm  of  Japanese  life  and  poetry 
comes  from  the  ever  imminent  sense  of  an  abysmal  void 
which  threatens  to  swallow  up  her  flowery  meadows  and 
her  silent  temple  groves.  May  the  earthquake  never 
come  that  will  again  bring  uppermost  the  dead  past  in 
Japan.  The  Orient,  through  constant  musing  on  the 
mysterious  and  hidden,  may  have  fortified  itself  against 
the  coarser  aspects  of  the  primitive  in  man ; but  its  devel- 
opment, yes,  its  very  existence,  has  been  jeopardized  by 
this  lack  of  limitation.  Japan,  it  is  true,  has  transfused 
these  elements  into  a marvelous  poetry  of  life,  and 
China  practices  Confucian  self-control ; but  all  Oriental 
peoples  are  ruled  by  these  weird  forces. 


20 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


While  the  psychological  unity  of  the  Oriental  nations 
has  not  been  so  clearly  and  definitely  worked  out  as  it 
has  been  in  the  West,  notwithstanding  all  minor  national 
idiosyncrasies,  still  the  Orient  has  also  had  its  share  of 
international  unifying  influences.  The  sacred  places 
in  India  where  the  great  teacher  lived  have  for  two 
thousand  years  attracted  pilgrims  from  all  parts  of  the 
Buddhist  world;  and  earnest  students  have  sought  deeper 
wisdom  by  communing  with  the  monks  of  famous  mon- 
asteries in  Burmah  and  Ceylon.  Ever  since  the  embassy 
of  Emperor  Ming-ti  sought  for  the  new  gospel  in  the  year 
61,  and  the  sage  Fa-hien  undertook  his  great  journey, 
India  has  thus  been  visited  by  seekers  after  new  light. 
Also  the  apostles  of  India’s  missionary  religion,  in  its  first 
age  of  flourishing  enthusiasm,  spread  the  teaching  of 
Gotama  to  all  the  lands  of  southern  and  eastern  Asia, 
even  from  Palestine,  where  they  implanted  the  germs  of 
the  Western  monastic  system,  to  the  far  islands  of  the 
rising  sun.  Thus  Buddhism  became  the  greatest  unify- 
ing force  in  eastern  Asia,  and  no  mind  nor  personality 
commands  a wider  and  more  sincere  homage  than  he  who 
found  the  light  and  pointed  the  way,  the  great  teacher 
“who  never  spake  but  good  and  wise  words,  he  who  was 
the  light  of  the  world.”  So  it  is  that  also  in  more  recent 
epochs  down  to  our  own  day,  his  thought  and  life  have 
been  and  are  the  chief  centre  of  the  common  feelings 
and  enthusiasms  of  Asia. 

The  great  age  of  illumination  under  the  Sung  dynasty 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


21 


in  China  saw  the  beginning  of  the  attempts  to  merge 
and  fuse  Taoist,  Buddhist,  and  Confucian  thought,  in 
Neo-Confucianism,  called  by  Okakura  “a  brilliant  effort 
to  mirror  the  whole  of  Asiatic  consciousness.”  It  was 
Buddhist  monks  and  missionaries  who  acted  as  messen- 
gers between  China  and  Japan  in  that  great  formative 
period  of  a thousand  years,  in  which  all  the  currents 
of  Indian  and  Chinese  civilization  made  their  impress 
upon  Japanese  national  character.  Then,  under  the 
Tokugawa  regime  the  independent  spirits  of  Japan 
trained  themselves  for  the  demands  of  an  exacting  epoch 
in  the  thought  of  Wang-yang-ming,  or  Oyomei,  which,  in- 
formed with  the  noblest  ideals  and  the  deepest  insight  of 
Buddhism,  joins  to  these  a zest  in  active  life,  an  ardent 
desire  to  participate  in  the  surging  development  in  which 
the  universe  and  human  destiny  are  unfolding  them- 
selves. In  this  school,  which  combines  a truly  poetic 
sentiment  for  the  pathos  of  fading  beauty  and  fleeting 
fragrance,  for  the  ghostliness  of  an  existence  made  up  of 
countless  vibrations  of  past  joy  and  suffering,  with  the 
courageous  desire  to  see  clearly  and  act  with  energy, 
to  share  to  the  full  in  this  great  battle  we  call  life,  — in 
this  school  were  trained  the  statesmen  and  warriors  of 
Satsuma  and  Choshiu  who  have  led  Japan  to  greatness 
in  peace  and  glory  in  war. 

The  unity  of  Asiatic  civilization  has  found  an  actual 
embodiment  in  the  spirit  of  Japan.  There  it  is  not  the 
product  of  political  reasoning,  nor  the  discovery  of  philo- 


22 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


sophical  abstraction.  All  the  phenomena  of  the  over- 
powering natural  world  of  Asia  are  epitomized  in  the 
islands  of  the  morning  sun,  where  nature  is  as  luxuriant 
and  as  forbidding,  as  caressing  and  as  severe,  as  fertile 
and  as  destructive,  as  in  all  that  cyclorama  of  storm, 
earthquake,  typhoon,  flood,  and  mountain  vastness 
which  we  call  Asia.  Even  thus  has  Japan  in  the  course  of 
her  historic  development  received  by  gradual  accretion 
the  fruit  of  all  Asiatic  thought  and  endeavor.  Nor  have 
these  waves  from  the  mainland  washed  her  shores  in 
vain;  her  national  life  has  not  been  the  prey  of  capricious 
conquerors — imposing  for  a brief  time  a sway  that  would 
leave  no  permanent  trace  on  the  national  life.  Her  mind 
and  character  have  received  and  accepted  these  contin- 
ental influences,  as  the  needs  of  her  own  developing  life 
have  called  for  them;  they  have  not  been  adopted  per- 
force or  by  caprice,  but  have  exerted  a moulding  influ- 
ence and  have  been  assimilated  into  a consistent,  deep, 
and  powerful  national  character.  A psychological  unity 
has  thus  been  created  — an  actual  expression  of  the 
flesh  and  blood  of  life  — in  touch  with  the  national  ideals 
and  ambitions  of  a most  truly  patriotic  race. 

This  is  a far  different  matter  from  the  mere  intellectual 
recognition  of  certain  common  beliefs,  ideals,  and  insti- 
tutions throughout  the  Orient.  On  such  a perception  of 
unity  at  most  a certain  intellectual  sympathy  could  be 
founded.  But  in  Japan  the  Oriental  spirit  has  become 
flesh  — it  has  ceased  to  be  a bloodless  generalization, 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


23 


and  it  now  confronts  the  world  in  the  shape  of  a nation 
conscious  of  the  complicated  and  representative  charac- 
ter of  its  psychology,  and  ardently  enthusiastic  over  the 
loftiness  of  its  mission.  We  know  Japanese  patriotism 
as  national,  inspired  by  loyalty  to  the  Mikado  and  by 
love  for  the  land  of  Fujiyama;  we  are  also  learning  to 
know  it  as  Asiatic  — deeply  stirred  by  the  exalting  pur- 
pose of  aiding  that  Asiatic  thought-life  which  has  made 
Japan  to  come  to  its  own  and  preserve  its  dignity  and 
independence  through  all  the  ages.  Must  we  view  with 
apprehension  such  a broadening  of  Japanese  patriotism? 
Not  if  Japan  herself  remains  true  to  the  essential 
ideals  of  Eastern  civilization. 

It  is  said  that  Asia  is  pessimistic.  Yet  her  pessimism 
is  not  the  sodden  gloom  of  despair,  whose  terrifying 
scowl  we  encounter  in  European  realistic  art,  and  which 
is  the  bitter  fruit  of  perverted  modes  of  living.  The  pes- 
simism of  Asia,  which  makes  the  charm  of  her  poetry 
from  Firdusi  to  the  writers  of  the  delicate  Japanese  Hai- 
kai,  is  rather  a soothing,  quieting,  aesthetic  influence,  like 
the  feeling  of  sadness  that  touches  the  heart  at  the  sight 
of  great  beauty,  and  which  perhaps  is  due  to  the  memory 
of  all  the  yearnings  and  renunciations  in  the  experience 
of  a long  chain  of  lives.  The  pessimism  of  the  Orient  is 
tragic,  rather  than  cynical,  and  Japan  at  the  present 
time  gives  proof  of  the  fact  that  the  spirit  of  tragedy 
belongs  to  strong  nations. 

As  tragedy  was  the  art  of  the  Greeks  before  Pericles 


24 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


and  of  the  Elizabethan  English,  so  modern  Japan  draws 
strength  from  that  deep  undercurrent  of  tragic  feeling  in 
her  nature.  The  attitude  of  the  Japanese  mind  is  further 
apparent  from  its  conception  of  suicide;  the  hara-kiri 
is  not  a cowardly  escape  from  the  burdens  of  life,  it  is 
rather  a supreme  effort  to  concentrate  all  the  powers  of 
personality  towards  the  righting  of  a wrong,  or  the 
achievement  of  a high  purpose,  which  no  other  sacrifice 
would  attain.  Nor  is  Buddhism  itself  in  any  sense  nihil- 
istic, as  is  so  often  supposed.  The  goal  of  Nirvana  is  not 
a negative  — self-annihilation  — but  a positive  ideal, 
‘'life  made  glorious  by  self-conquest  and  exalted  by 
boundless  love  and  wisdom.”  The  preponderance  of  ill  is 
admitted,  but  there  is  no  utter  despair  of  redemption 
from  care  and  suffering:  the  diligent  development  of 
right  thought,  the  acquisition  of  that  high  training  which 
enables  the  mind  to  extricate  itself  from  vulgar  error  and 
to  share  the  serene  peace  of  impersonal  vision  — that  is 
the  way  of  salvation.  Such  tendencies  of  mind  as  these 
cannot  indeed  be  branded  as  dangerous  by  simply  stamp- 
ing them  with  the  mark  “pessimism.” 

It  is  said  that  the  Orient  is  despotic.  And  yet  nowhere 
are  governmental  functions  more  circumscribed  than  in 
countries  like  China.  Oriental  despotism  does  not  mean 
constant  governmental  interference.  The  despot  is,  in- 
deed, irresistible  when  he  does  act;  but  he  will  not  choose 
to  act  contrary  to  the  general  customs  of  the  realm,  be- 
cause these  customs  are  sacred,  and  on  their  sacrcdness 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


25 


his  own  customary  authority  depends.  It  is  the  people 
who  through  continued  action  make  the  customs,  and 
they  are  little  interfered  with  in  the  management  of  their 
affairs.  Even  when  China  had  no  parliament,  its  social 
organization  was  thoroughly  democratic.  Nor  is  the  Ori- 
ent subject  to  the  tyranny  of  avast  industrial  mechanism, 
impersonal  and  inexorable.  Its  industries  are  carried  on 
in  the  family  home,  and  form  part  of  the  family  life;  the 
joy  of  work  has  not  departed,  for  the  workman  does  not 
toil  in  a dreary  prison-house,  and  the  soul  has  not  been 
taken  out  of  his  work.  As  the  object  of  his  labor  grows 
under  his  hand,  he  rejoices  in  the  perfection  of  form,  and 
to  the  satisfaction  of  the  artisan  is  added  the  delight  of 
the  artist.  Thus  it  is  that  in  the  Orient  art  with  all  the 
joy  of  beauty  that  it  brings  has  not  gone  out  of  the  life  of 
the  people,  has  not  become  an  exclusive  and  artificial 
language  understood  only  by  the  few,  a minister  to  lux- 
ury and  indolent  ease.  It  has  retained  its  true  function 
of  pervading  all  human  life  with  a subtle  aroma  of 
refinement  and  joy. 

In  ideals  such  as  these  it  would  be  difficult  to  discover 
the  rampant  and  infuriate  dragon  of  the  yellow  peril 
imagination.  Indeed,  the  temper  of  Oriental  civilization 
is  preeminently  peaceful.  China  has  imparted  her  civili- 
zation to  all  the  peoples  of  the  Far  East,  but  she  has 
never  attempted  to  impose  her  rule  upon  them  by  con- 
quest; and  of  Buddhism  alone  of  all  great  religions  can  it 
be  said  that  it  never  carried  on  a propaganda  with  the 


26 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


sword.  The  great  peoples  of  the  plains  of  India  and  China 
have  been  too  peaceful  to  resist  invasions,  but  they  have 
been  strong  and  patient  enough  to  subdue  the  victors 
to  their  own  civilization.  The  conquering  hordes  of 
Asia  have  come  not  from  the  civilized  plains,  but  from 
the  rude  and  inhospitable  mountain  haunts  of  Turkestan 
and  Mongolia.  At  their  hands  peaceful  Asia  has  suffered 
even  more  than  turbulent  Europe,  and  Japan  alone  has 
never  been  forced  to  bow  before  a victorious  foe. 

If  the  Orient  is  allowed  more  fully  to  realize  these  in- 
herent tendencies  of  its  spirit,  and  to  develop  along  its 
own  natural  lines,  in  a life  of  peace  and  artistic  industry, 
true  humanity  should  rejoice,  for  its  purposes  would  be 
accomplished.  The  unity  of  all  human  life,  the  brother- 
hood of  man,  is  the  essential  doctrine  of  the  most  potent 
religion  of  the  East.  Only  if  diverted  from  these  ideals 
by  continued  injustice  and  aggression,  by  a rude  attempt 
to  subject  these  ancient  societies  to  an  alien  law  of  life, 
could  the  spirit  of  the  Orient  be  led  to  assume  a threat- 
ening and  destructive  attitude. 

It  is  but  a short  time  since  the  broader  and  more  rep- 
resentative minds  among  the  Asiatic  races  have  begun 
to  realize  the  unity  of  Asiatic  civilization.  The  endless 
variety  in  speech  and  custom,  the  difference  in  charac- 
ter and  temper  between  the  Chinese  and  the  Hindu,  the 
opposite  political  destiny  that  has  made  one  nation  sub- 
ject to  foreigners  while  it  has  led  another  into  an  hon- 
ored position  among  the  independent  Powers  — all 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


27 


these  differences  can  no  longer  obscure  the  deep  unity 
of  customs  and  of  ideals  that  pervades  the  entire  Orient. 
This  unified  character  of  Oriental  life,  in  its  essence  so 
totally  different  from  Western  civilization,  frequently 
expresses  itself  on  the  surface  in  customs  and  institutions 
which  seem  to  us  bizarre  and  even  barbarous,  and  which 
invite  the  active  reformer  from  the  West  to  sweep  them 
away  and  put  in  their  place  a more  enlightened  system. 
But  whoever  considers  carefully  the  conditions  of  the 
Orient  may  arrive  at  a very  different  conclusion,  and 
may  see  even  in  these  apparently  backward  institutions 
the  marks  of  a broad  and  noble  ideal  of  life.  The  vast- 
ness of  Oriental  populations,  the  long  duration  of  their 
institutions,  create  a feeling  of  permanence  and  peace. 
The  frequency  of  natural  catastrophes,  the  overpowering 
aspect  of  mountains,  torrents,  and  typhoons,  have 
given  the  Orientals  an  entirely  deferential  attitude  to- 
wards nature,  which  they  have  not  tried  to  conquer  or 
subdue.  Busied  rather  with  the  causes  of  things  and  wfith 
the  general  laws  of  existence,  they  turned  to  religion  and 
philosophy,  and  gave  but  little  attention  to  practical 
facts,  to  scientific  control  of  the  forces  of  nature,  and  to 
the  betterment  of  social  conditions.  The  pessimistic  tinge 
of  Oriental  thought  is  due  to  this  feeling  of  helplessness, 
which  causes  the  world  and  existence  to  appear  as  a great 
procession  of  shadows,  full  of  suffering  and  evil.  But  in 
all  this  impermanence,  in  the  multitude  of  fleeting  and 
ephemeral  individual  existences,  the  Oriental  mind  sees 


28 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


the  manifestation  of  an  omnipresent  force  — eternal 
change,  symbolized  by  the  figure  of  the  dragon.  The 
deepest  feeling  in  Oriental  thought  is  the  poetry  of  van- 
ishing life.  The  withered  rose,  whose  fragrance  has  de- 
lighted us  for  a day,  is  but  the  symbol  of  the  maiden’s 
beauty  and  the  grace  and  activity  of  the  young  warrior, 
who  also  fade  and  fall  after  a brief  span,  their  places 
taken  by  a new  array  of  budding  spirits. 

The  intellectual  bond  which  unites  the  Orient,  and 
best  interprets  its  deepest  soul,  is  Buddhism.  Resting 
upon  the  same  philosophical  foundation  as  Brahman- 
ism, it  really  constitutes  the  missionary  principle  of  the 
great  Indian  religion,  through  which  the  Farther  Indies, 
China,  and  even  the  distant  islands  of  Japan,  were 
brought  into  touch  with  the  original  seat  of  Oriental 
thought  and  culture.  The  poetry  of  Oriental  thought 
finds  its  most  potent  expression  in  the  philosophy  of  eter- 
nal change  and  final  annihilation  of  all  sensible  existence, 
taught  by  Gotama.  This  Asiatic  religion  of  poetic  in- 
sight is  the  expression  of  that  higher  ideal  to  which  all 
the  activities  and  ideals  of  Oriental  life  are  tributary  — 
search  for  the  universal  principle,  together  with  endless 
variety  in  individual  existence.  Thus  the  rural  locality 
is  the  real  centre  of  Asiatic  life.  There  is  nothing  like  the 
European  centralization  of  authority  and  culture.  Local 
self-government,  with  little  interference  by  the  central 
authorities,  the  preservation  of  immemorial  customs, 
not  reduced  to  set  form  nor  modified  by  conscious  lcgis- 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


29 


lation,  such  is  the  framework  of  Oriental  polity.  In 
China,  the  village  governs  itself,  while  the  Imperial  Gov- 
ernment fills  the  function  of  a counselor  and  defender. 
Industry  is  similarly  decentralized;  it  is  carried  on  in  the 
homes  of  the  artisans,  where  labor  is  not  a curse,  but  a 
natural  activity  and  manifestation  of  daily  life,  graced  by 
the  artistic  character  which  pervades  all  Oriental  hand- 
icraft. High  respect  is  everywhere  paid  to  intellectual 
forces,  not  only  in  the  lands  of  the  Brahman  and  man- 
darin, but  in  the  more  militant  Japan.  Practical  religion 
is  made  up  partly  of  an  idealization  and  worship  of  the 
all-encompassing  forces  of  nature,  partly  of  a feeling  of 
loyalty  to  the  spirits  of  the  ancestors,  whose  thoughts 
and  work  are  embodied  in  the  life  and  spirit  of  the  nation 
to-day. 

Of  this  vast  and  ancient  civilization,  Japanese  life  is 
the  flower  and  concentrated  essence.  The  foundation 
stock  of  the  Japanese  nation  was  animated  by  the  no- 
mad instincts  of  western  Asia,  by  the  fierce  courage  of 
marauding  tribes.  The  original  basis  of  their  national 
life  is  a worship  of  the  past  and  of  nature.  Their  temples 
commemorate  the  lives  of  heroes,  but  their  festal  days 
are  not  the  anniversaries  of  battles;  they  mark  the  birth 
of  flowers.  In  April,  the  multitudes  begin  their  fond 
pilgrimages  to  see  the  blossoming  cherry  trees,  languid 
summer  brings  the  nymph-like  lotus,  and  late  in  fall  the 
gorgeous  chrysanthemum  draws  its  crowds  of  worshipers 
from  village  and  town.  These  earlier  romantic  and  war- 


30 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


like  instincts  have  been  sobered  and  steadied  by  the 
social  morality  of  Confucius,  bestowed  upon  Japan  by 
the  Chinese  nation,  that  great  civilizer  of  northern  Asia. 
This  system  is  often  characterized  as  a congeries  of  mere 
platitudes;  yet  it  has  constituted  an  invaluable  training 
in  the  simple  and  homely  duties  of  neighborly  life  and  in 
practical  morality,  a training  necessary  to  the  Orientals, 
who  are  so  idealistic,  and  so  prone  to  overlook  the  near 
for  the  distant  and  mysterious.  Coming  last  among  all 
these  influences,  the  poetical  religion  of  Buddhism 
found  the  Japanese  soul  an  especially  responsive  medi- 
um. The  fleeting  shadows  of  existence,  lovely  in  their 
rapid  succession  and  tragic  death,  the  mystery  of  the 
soul,  in  which  the  memories  of  the  past  existence  are 
reechoing  — these  were  the  forms  of  thought  evoked 
by  the  great  Asiatic  religion  in  Japan.  The  flower  of 
all  these  civilizing  influences  — Japanese  art  — was 
acquired  from,  and  based  upon,  continental  forms,  and 
even  now  it  best  shows  the  historical  development  of  the 
latter.  Indeed,  the  genesis  and  progress  of  Oriental  art 
can  be  studied  in  its  completeness  only  in  Japan,  where 
the  treasures  of  the  past  have  not  been  at  the  mercy  of 
succeeding  waves  of  ruthless  conquerors.  But  the  Asiatic 
modes  of  art  assumed  an  added  refinement  and  poetical 
delicacy  when  they  reached  the  Island  Kingdom.  The 
lovely  background  of  a sweet  nature,  an  inanimate  world 
that  is  a melodious  orchestra  to  the  poetical  drama  of  hu- 
man existence,  the  spirit  shadowings  of  former  lives,  the 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


31 


high  heroism,  the  ready  self-sacrifice  of  unselfish  men 
and  women,  the  delicate  respect  paid  to  the  weak  and 
old,  the  worship  of  heroic  virtue,  gave  Japanese  art  a 
multitude  of  subjects  in  which  to  realize  its  most  perfect 
expression. 

In  its  passage  to  Japan,  Buddhism  underwent  a great 
temperamental  change,  — its  pessimism  was  softened 
and  received  a delicate  artistic  tinge.  The  insight  into 
the  deep  mysteries  of  life  which  it  affords  has,  with  the 
Japanese,  strengthened  serious  purpose  and  transfused 
the  soul  with  pulsations  of  heroism.  The  tragic  mood  is 
the  mood  of  greatness.  Greek  power  and  intellectual 
predominance  declined  with  the  tragedy,  and  our  own 
England  never  furnished  a higher  revelation  of  spirited 
and  energetic  national  life  than  when  Shakespeare  con- 
jured up  the  tempests  of  the  soul.  Thus  the  undercurrent 
of  Buddhist  tragedy  in  Japanese  life  has  not  resulted  in  a 
debilitating  pessimism,  but  constitutes  a tonic  inspiration 
to  great  deeds  and  to  disdain  for  the  petty  and  mean  in- 
cidents of  a mere  bourgeois  existence.  While  in  southern 
Asia  vast  populations  have  settled  down  to  dreamy  in- 
activity, thereto  encouraged  by  the  Buddhist  belief  in 
the  nothingness  of  all  existence,  the  spirit  of  Japan  cre- 
ated a different  interpretation  of  this  deepest  of  Asiatic 
religions.  Like  her  great  English  counterpart,  Japan  has 
assimilative  talent  of  the  highest  order.  The  intensity 
of  her  national  life  has  enabled  her  to  mould  all  the  influ- 
ences to  which  she  has  been  subjected  into  a harmonious 


32 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


organic  whole.  This  is  chiefly  due  to  the  training  she  has 
always  given  herself  in  loyalty  and  social  cohesion.  These 
qualities  have  been  put  to  a most  decisive  test  in  the  last 
twenty-five  years.  While  an  unprecedented  social  change 
was  going  on,  and  while  the  entire  mechanism  of  West- 
ern industrial  life  was  being  rapidly  adopted,  the  leaders 
in  this  movement  were  animated  with  the  desire  not  to 
copy  Western  civilization,  but  to  assimilate  those 
methods  which  would  render  them  able  to  defend  their 
own  civilization  against  oppression  or  usurpation  by  the 
better  armed  nations  of  the  world.  No  other  hypothesis 
is  possible,  because  it  is  unthinkable  that  a nation  should 
give  up  its  essential  customs  and  beliefs,  and  still  retain 
a unified  and  energetic  national  life.  Thus,  while  the 
Japanese  have  learned  our  methods  and  have  success- 
fully analyzed  our  system,  they  have  remained  loyal  to 
the  spirit  of  their  own  historic  past.  As  the  Western 
nations  are  becoming  aware  of  this  permanence  of  Asi- 
atic ideals,  they  are  beginning  to  be  apprehensive  of 
the  motives  of  the  new  Power  which  has  thus  risen,  and 
which  must  be  counted  with  in  any  policy  that  would 
affect  the  destiny  of  the  Orient. 

More  even  than  the  ancient  Greeks,  the  Japanese  wor- 
ship their  native  country.  Wherever  nature  has  created 
a beautiful  landscape,  a temple  is  erected,  to  which  the 
people  take  frequent  pilgrimages;  and  in  their  mind  the 
country,  with  its  noble  forests  and  mountains,  its  peace- 
ful lakes,  its  delicate,  silvery  atmosphere,  has  become 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


33 


the  chief  object  of  worship,  towards  which  they  feel  a 
loyalty  and  attachment  unequaled  anywhere  else  in  the 
world.  But  though  the  aesthetic  element  is  so  promin- 
ent in  the  feelings  of  the  Japanese,  though  the  soldiers 
pick  flowers  and  write  graceful  poetry  in  their  moments 
of  leisure,  they  also  fight  with  the  fury  of  berserkers  when 
they  feel  the  home  of  their  national  life  in  any  way  en- 
dangered. It  is  then  that  the  individual  passes  beyond 
himself,  and,  animated  by  a sacred  frenzy,  in  which  the 
whole  complex  race  and  ancestor  experience  suddenly 
flashes  up  into  consciousness,  his  moral  nature  expands, 
and  he  is  armed  with  the  spiritual  strength  of  numberless 
generations.  The  courage  of  the  Japanese  has  no  trace 
of  fatalism,  nor  has  it  the  stolid,  dogged  fearlessness  of 
the  barbarian;  its  irresistible  £lan  is  akin  to  the  ardor 
of  genius. 

When  Japan  was  fighting  for  her  life  against  a Euro- 
pean autocracy,  it  was  a perfectly  natural  and  honorable 
ambition  to  arouse  the  peoples  of  Asia  to  a feeling  of  the 
value  of  their  civilization  and  of  the  solidarity  of  their 
interests.  We  naturally  ask  ourselves  the  question 
whether,  considering  the  character  of  this  civilization, 
we  have  reason  to  fear  its  purposes.  Yet,  as  represented 
by  the  great  nations  that  are  its  true  exponents,  its  first 
characteristic  is  peacefulness.  China  has  given  her  civ- 
ilization to  the  nations  that  surround  her  on  all  sides, 
without  any  desire  to  conquer  them  or  to  exploit  their 
wealth.  The  soldier  is  distinctly  subordinate  to  the  man 


34 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


of  peace  in  her  national  ideals.  India  herself,  while  tom 
by  the  most  terrible  internal  dissensions,  had  essentially 
a policy  and  philosophy  of  peace;  her  woes,  like  those 
which  have  periodically  overtaken  China,  being  due  to 
the  lack  of  effective  resistance  which  invited  the  foreign 
invader  and  conqueror.  Japan,  with  all  the  warlike 
spirit  in  her  blood,  has  still  set  the  ideals  of  peace  above 
those  of  war,  as  is  seen  in  her  national  festivals,  and  in 
the  temper  of  her  artistic  and  social  life.  The  civiliza- 
tions of  the  Orient  are  essentially  sedentary.  They  cling 
to  the  soil  of  their  birth  with  many  tenacious  roots.  The 
sacredness  of  the  fatherland,  the  worship  of  the  ances- 
tors, the  reverence  of  their  tombs,  are  all  forces  of  strong 
attachment.  When  we  consider  such  fundamental  ideas 
and  customs  of  Asiatic  civilization,  we  cannot  escape  the 
conclusion  that,  should  Asia  be  allowed  to  develop  along 
natural  lines,  she  could  never  become  a menace  to  our 
civilization. 

As  a matter  of  fact,  no  more  fantastic  idea  has  ever 
played  a part  in  serious  politics  than  that  of  the  military 
“yellow  peril.”  We  need  not  consider  the  natural  barri- 
ers erected  against  such  an  invasion,  nor  the  fact  that  in 
the  methods  of  modern  warfare  the  defensive  is  relatively 
far  stronger  than  the  attack;  but  there  is  in  present 
Oriental  conditions  and  ideas  not  a vestige  that  can 
justly  be  used  as  a basis  for  alarmist  prophecies.  Neither 
China,  India,  nor  Japan  has  ever  engaged  in  offensive 
warfare  of  conquest;  even  the  last  great  war  was  practi- 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


39 


cally  forced  upon  Japan  by  the  Russian  advance.  India 
and  China  have  themselves  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the 
Asiatic  hordes,  at  the  memory  of  which  the  nations  of 
Europe  are  still  trembling;  and  it  is  one  of  the  glories  of 
Japan  to  have  successfully  repelled  these  invaders,  who 
again  and  again  overran  the  rich  countries  of  the  Contin- 
ent. There  is  no  irrepressible  conflict  between  Oriental 
and  Western  civilization.  On  the  contrary,  they  are 
complementary  to  each  other,  not  necessarily  compet- 
itive. During  the  last  century  our  own  civilization,  torn 
by  internal  conflicts  and  troubled  by  uncertainties,  has 
sought  for  broader  views  in  Oriental  thought;  Japan- 
ese art  has  shown  our  artists  a new  way  of  beauty,  in 
which,  by  painting  light  in  all  its  splendid  manifesta- 
tions, enchanting  vistas  of  artistic  possibilities  have 
been  opened  up.  The  monistic  thought  of  Oriental  philo- 
sophy has  been  more  and  more  approached  and  assimi- 
lated by  our  scientific  system.  Only  narrow-mindedness 
can  see  in  this  civilization  a danger  which  we  must 
subdue;  only  ignorance  can  consider  it  as  worthless  and 
vicious. 

Thus  far  the  ideas  of  Asiatic  unity  have  been  vague 
and  conflicting;  the  Orient  has  not  possessed  that  definite 
stock  of  common  concepts  and  ideals  which  constitute 
the  psychological  unity  of  Europe.  And  hence,  also,  the 
conventional  and  vulgar  antithesis  of  Orient  and  the 
West,  with  its  sharp  delineation  of  contrasts,  has  been  al- 
together misleading.  As  the  perception  of  a certain  unity 


36 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


of  Oriental  development  becomes  clearer,  and  as  the  his- 
toric sense  is  strengthened  through  the  rise  of  a strong 
political  entity  in  Japan,  we  may  look  for  powerful  con- 
scious efforts  to  realize  an  Oriental  unity  of  spirit  and 
civilization.  But  when  we  examine  the  chief  elements 
upon  which  such  a unity  would  have  to  be  founded,  were 
it  to  take  as  its  basis  the  historic  facts  of  Asiatic  life,  we 
can,  after  all,  find  in  them  no  strident  conflict  with  our 
ideals.  Marked  differences,  indeed,  exist  in  customs, 
traditions,  and  social  policies,  but  the  underlying  unity 
of  the  consciousness  of  mankind  manifests  itself  in  no 
less  striking  a manner. 

Nothing,  indeed,  vouches  so  much  for  the  ultimate 
unity  of  the  human  race  as  the  fact  that  the  most  char- 
acteristic expressions  of  Asiatic  thought  are  not  utterly 
alien  to  us,  but  on  the  contrary  powerfully  touch  the 
most  secret  heartstrings  and  appeal  to  our  deepest  emo- 
tions. This  is,  of  course,  not  surprising  when  we  go  back 
to  the  Aryan  background  of  Indian  civilization.  The 
images  and  ideas  of  the  Vedic  age  find  a ready  response 
in  our  poetic  experience;  Indra,  Varuna,  and  the  Goddess 
of  Dawn  appear  familiar  figures.  What  could  be  more 
deeply  touching  than  the  solemn  words  of  the  Vedic 
funeral  rite:  “Go  thou,  deceased,  to  this  earth  which 
is  a mother,  and  spacious  and  kind.  May  her  touch  be 
soft  like  that  of  wool  or  a young  woman,  and  may  she 
protect  thee  from  the  depths  of  destruction.  Rise  above 
him,  O Earth!  do  not  press  painfully  on  him;  give 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


37 


him  good  things,  give  him  consolation.  As  a mother 
covers  her  child  with  her  cloth,  do  thou  cover  him.” 

But  even  the  expressions  of  later  ages  and  of  more  dis- 
tant races  do  not  leave  us  untouched,  — especially  the 
deep  poetry  of  natural  beauty  and  of  intimate  soul-life 
inspired  by  Buddhism.  The  Japanese  Chomei,  whose 
fame  rests  chiefly  on  the  description  of  his  tiny  cabin  in 
the  mountain  forest,  gives  us  glimpses  of  nature  that  are 
amazing  when  we  remember  the  blindness  of  European 
literature  to  natural  beauty  until  some  one  hundred 
years  ago.  “ Here  in  spring  there  may  be  seen  the  rip- 
pling blossoms  of  the  wisteria,  shedding  a fragrance 
towards  the  west.  In  summer  the  hototogisu  is  heard, 
who  by  his  reiterated  cry  invites  to  a tryst  with  him  on 
that  rugged  path  which  leads  to  Hades.  In  autumn  the 
song  of  the  cicada  fills  the  ears,  sounding  like  a wail  over 
the  vanities  of  this  earthly  existence.  In  winter  the 
snow  excites  in  me  a compassionate  emotion.  As.it  grows 
deeper  and  deeper,  and  then  by  degrees  melts  away 
again,  it  is  an  apt  symbol  of  the  obstruction  of  sin.  When 
on  a calm  night  the  moon  shines  in  at  my  window,  I think 
with  yearning  of  the  men  of  old.  The  fireflies  in  the 
clumps  of  herbage  represent  to  me  the  fisherman’s  cres- 
sets on  the  isle  of  Magi  no  Shima;  the  rain  at  daybreak 
sounds  to  me  like  leaves  when  fluttered  by  a stormy  gust 
of  wind.  When  I hear  the  copper  pheasant  with  his  cry 
of  horo,  horo,  I wonder  whether  it  is  the  spirit  of  my  father 
or  my  mother.  When  the  stag  from  the  mountain-top 


38 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


approaches  without  shyness,  I realize  how  far  I am  sepa- 
rated from  the  world.”  Nor  is  Chinese  literature  less 
responsive  to  the  beauty  of  the  external  world,  and  al- 
though it  may  not  contain  quite  such  delicate  spiritual 
overtones,  it  sees  in  the  play  and  the  varying  moods  of 
nature  but  an  emblem  of  the  vicissitudes  of  human  life.1 
Thus  Ou-yang  Hsiu  writes,  about  the  year  1050:  “The 
sun’s  rays  peeping  at  dawn  through  the  trees,  by  and  by 
to  be  obscured  behind  gathering  clouds,  leaving  naught 
but  gloom  around,  give  to  this  spot  the  alternations  of 
morning  and  night.  The  wild  flowers  exhaling  their  per- 
fume from  the  darkness  of  some  shady  dell,  the  luxuriant 
foliage  of  the  dense  forest  of  beautiful  trees,  the  clear 
frosty  wind,  and  the  naked  boulders  of  the  lessening 
torrent,  — these  are  the  indications  of  spring,  summer, 
autumn,  and  winter.”  And  speaking  of  the  sad  hour  of 
autumnal  death:  “Still,  what  is  this  to  plants  and  trees, 
which  fade  away  in  their  due  season?  . . . But  stay, 
there  is  man,  man  the  divinest  of  all  things.  A hundred 
cares  wreck  his  heart,  countless  anxieties  trace  their 
wrinkles  on  his  brow,  until  his  inmost  self  is  bowed  be- 
neath the  burden  of  life.  And  swifter  still  he  hurries  to 
decay  when  vainly  striving  to  attain  the  unattainable,  or 
grieving  over  his  ignorance  of  that  which  can  never  be 
known.” 

1 Eckermann  reports  the  following  conversation  with  Goethe 
concerning  a Chinese  novel  which  the  poet  had  read : Eckermann 
said,  “It  must  have  appeared  very  curious  and  strange ” ; to  which 
Goethe  replied,  “Not  so  much  as  one  would  suppose.  The  people 


ASIATIC  UNITY 


39 


But  even  the  favorite  words  of  Buddhist  devotion, 
uttered  to-day  by  hundreds  of  thousands  as  they  place 
their  gifts  of  fresh  flowers  before  the  image  of  the  Great 
Teacher,  — a meditation  rather  than  a prayer,  for  there 
are  no  gods  to  invoke  in  pure  Buddhism,  — even  this  has 
not  an  utterly  alien  sound  to  us,  “These  flowers  I 
offer  in  memory  of  Him,  the  Lord,  the  Holy  One,  the 
Supremely  Enlightened  Buddha,  even  as  the  Enlightened 
Ones  in  ages  past,  the  Saints  and  Holy  of  all  times  have 
offered.  Now  are  these  flowers  fair  of  form,  glorious  in 
color,  sweet  of  scent.  Yet  soon  will  all  have  passed  away 
— withered  their  fair  form,  faded  the  bright  hues,  and 
foul  the  flowers’  scent!  Thus  even  is  it  with  all  com- 

thlnk,  act,  and  feel  almost  entirely  as  we  do,  and  very  soon  we  be- 
come familiar  with  their  point  of  view;  although  with  them  every- 
thing is  clearer,  calmer,  and  more  moral.  In  their  arrangements 
everything  is  sensible,  bourgeois,  without  great  passion  or  poetical 
Inspiration,  and  so  is  very  similar  to  my  Hermann  and  Dorothea , as 
well  as  to  the  English  novels  of  Richardson.  There  is,  however,  a 
difference,  in  that  with  them  external  nature  is  always  seen  by  the 
side  of  the  human  figures.  We  hear  the  goldfishes  splash  in  the 
ponds.  The  birds  in  the  trees  are  singing  all  the  time,  the  day  is 
ever  serene  and  sunny,  the  night  clear.  There  is  much  talk  of  the 
moon,  but  it  does  not  change  the  landscape:  its  fight  seems  to  be 
thought  of  as  bright  as  the  day  itself.  The  interior  of  houses  is 
neat  and  graceful  as  their  pictures.  There  are  innumerable  legends 
which  accompany  the  stories  and  are  used  almost  after  the  manner 
of  a proverb.  So  we  hear  of  the  maiden  who  was  so  graceful  and  so 
light  on  her  feet  that  she  could  balance  herself  on  a flower;  or  of  a 
young  man  who  was  so  straightforward  and  good  that  when  he  was 
only  thirty  years  of  age  the  Emperor  spoke  to  him.  So  there  are 
volumes  of  legends  which  deal  with  what  is  moral  and  proper.  It  is 
through  this  strict  moderation  in  everything  that  the  Chinese 
Empire  has  been  able  to  maintain  itself  for  thousands  of  years.’! 


40 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


ponent  things:  Impermanent,  and  full  of  Sorrow  and 
Unreal.  — Realizing  this,  may  we  attain  unto  that 
peace  which  is  beyond  all  life!” 

The  Orient,  indeed,  has  unity;  it  has- common  ideals 
and  sentiments;  but  these  are  not  things  apart;  they 
belong  to  the  general  life  of  humanity. 


CHAPTER  II 


ENERGISM  IN  THE  ORIENT 

The  ethical  conceptions  of  Oriental  peoples  are  as 
manifold  as  their  conditions  of  life;  and  yet,  in  the  com- 
mon thought  of  the  Western  world,  the  ethical  temper 
of  the  East  is  quite  different  from  that  of  our  civilization. 
When  standards  of  conduct  are  discussed  between  differ- 
ent nations,  it  is  difficult  to  avoid  misunderstanding, 
because  each  nation  or  race,  having  its  own  social  conven- 
tions, which  to  it  have  become  second  nature,  sees  in  the 
conventions  of  other  peoples  compromises  with  truth  if 
not  a complete  departure  therefrom.  Thus  when  the  East 
and  the  West  mutually  compare  their  moral  beliefs  and 
modes  of  action,  there  is  apt  to  be  revealed  a lack  of  sym- 
pathetic insight.  Yet  the  ethical  thought  of  India,  traced 
to  its  simple  Aryan  sources,  inculcates  the  same  cardinal 
virtues  which  are  contained  also  in  our  Western  codes. 
Purity,  benevolence,  and  truthfulness  are  as  important 
there  as  in  our  morality.  Quite  contrary  to  the  common 
belief  in  the  West,  the  appreciation  of  veracity  is  just  as 
constantly  and  urgently  held  up  as  a fundamental  virtue 
as  in  our  own  ethical  literature.  Nor  are  the  knightly 
virtues  of  courage  and  firmness  neglected  in  these  earlier 
Indian  models  of  conduct. 


42 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


But  as  Indian  civilization  developed  in  complexity, 
through  modifications  introduced  by  conquest  and 
through  the  growth  of  the  caste  system,  moral  doctrine 
lost  its  primitive  simplicity.  It  was  divided  into  parts, 
many  secondary  elements  were  added,  and  there  was  a 
new  distribution  of  emphasis.  In  the  final  result  the  doc- 
trine of  renunciation  overshadows  everything  else.  Indian 
ethical  sentiment  of  later  ages  favors  the  abdication  of 
life,  inaction,  and  the  uncomplaining  acceptance  of  the 
evils  of  existence.  It  is  a creed  of  inactivity,  contempla- 
tion, quietism,  and  self-suppression.  The  repeated  con- 
quests of  India,  the  overpowering  forces  of  nature,  the 
absence  of  national  self-consciousness,  have  all  helped  to 
emphasize  these  characteristics.  They  are  present,  not 
only  in  Hinduism,  but  in  other  forms  of  belief,  like  Bud- 
dhism and  Jainism,  that  have  originated  in  India.  But 
our  own  generation  is  witnessing  in  India  a great  stirring 
of  social  life,  the  awakening  of  new  national  forces.  The 
ancient  texts  are  read  from  a new  point  of  view  and  in  a 
different  temper,  and  it  is  discovered  that  the  morality 
of  non-action  and  submission  is  only  one  part  of  a com- 
plex system;  that  there  are  other  more  active  and  more 
manly  virtues  inculcated  as  well.  It  is  these  latter  that 
now  receive  the  emphasis.  The  achievements  of  nation- 
alism in  Japan  are  having  their  effect;  and  though  Japan 
may  lately  have  alienated  sympathy  through  her  forward 
policy  in  Manchuria,  the  energy  revealed  in  her  national 
life  remains  a model  to  the  rest  of  Asia. 


ENERGISM  IN  THE  ORIENT 


43 


The  searchings  of  the  national  spirit  in  Indian  tradi- 
tion have  brought  out  the  fact  that  Hindu  morality, 
side  by  side  with  mukti,  bairagnya,  or  renunciation,  con- 
tains the  ideal  of  action  in  dharma.  While  the  former  has 
for  centuries  been  emphasized  through  the  repression 
which  history  has  imposed  on  India,  the  more  vigorous 
forces  of  life  have  not  been  extinguished  and  will  now 
seek  new  expression  with  the  help  of  the  principle  of 
dharma  which  is  embodied  in  Karma  Yoga.  This  does  not 
mean  that  the  national  ideal  of  renunciation  as  the  high- 
est quality  and  virtue  is  to  be  abandoned.  On  the  con- 
trary, the  low  valuation  of  the  material  universe  and  the 
proud  belief  in  the  conquering  force  of  spirituality  which 
it  contains  will  remain  the  essential  part  of  the  Indian 
conception  of  human  destiny  and  action.  But  it  is  also 
recognized  that  this  idea  of  renunciation  has  been  falsely 
understood  and  grievously  misinterpreted  in  the  past; 
that  it  has  been  a cloak  for  laziness  and  torpidity,  under 
which  it  has  been  attempted  to  make  the  most  pitiful 
weakness  appear  as  strength.  To  the  Indian  mind  at 
present,  renunciation  in  its  true  sense  appeals  only  as  a 
higher  form  of  dharma.  Before  one  may  reject,  one  ought 
to  understand ; before  renouncing,  one  ought  to  have  ex- 
perienced; before  yielding  to  the  greater,  one  ought  to 
have  mastered  the  lesser.  Thus  renunciation,  to  be  more 
than  weakness  and  self-deception,  presupposes  a mastery 
of  the  world  of  fact  and  action,  and  it  requires  the  power 
to  rise  superior  to  ordinary  struggles  and  ambitions. 


44 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Through  mental  energy  and  understanding  of  the  world 
only  can  such  mastery  be  acquired.  Renunciation  must 
be  strength,  not  weakness.  In  the  words  of  Vivekananda, 
mukti  is  far  superior  to  dharma,  but  dharma  must  be 
finished  first  of  all.  This  eloquent  writer  and  preacher, 
whose  thought  is  one  of  the  most  important  influences 
in  the  awakening  of  Indian  life,  has  expressed  this  transi- 
tion in  ethical  temper  with  great  effectiveness.  In  his 
view,  that  society  is  the  greatest  where  the  highest  truths 
become  practical  or  embodied  in  action.  Like  the  Chinese 
Wang  Yang  Ming,  he  was,  therefore,  a pragmatist  before 
William  James.  He  strives  for  power  and  energy;  and 
prays,  “Thou  Mother  of  Strength,  take  away  my  un- 
manliness and  make  me  man.” 

Of  all  the  religious  books  in  India,  that  wrhich  is  at  pre- 
sent most  frequently  appealed  to  and  most  diligently 
studied,  the  Bhagavad  Gita,  is  eloquent  in  inculcating  the 
morality  of  action  together  with  the  ideal  of  renuncia- 
tion. The  Gita  says,  “Be  more  manly;  destroy  your 
enemies  and  enjoy  the  world.  It  is  for  heroes  only  to  en- 
joy the  world.  Rise  and  obtain  name  and  fame  by  con- 
quering your  enemies.”  As  has  often  been  pointed  out  by 
Orientals,  the  Christian  nations,  in  active  life,  far  from 
following  the  injunctions  of  their  Master  as  to  forbear- 
ance and  gentleness,  seem  to  be  guided  rather  by  the 
principles  of  the  Gita.  Whereas  the  Hindus  on  their  part 
had  for  a while  forgotten  these  stirring  injunctions  and 
had  lost  themselves  entirely  in  a weak  interpretation  of 


ENERGISM  IN  THE  ORIENT 


45 


the  doctrine  of  mukti,  without  remembering  that  re- 
nunciation cannot  begin  before  power  has  fully  proved 
and  asserted  itself. 

The  Bhagavad  Gita  enshrines  caste  morality.  The  posi- 
tion of  each  man  in  life  indicates  those  virtues  in  which 
he  must  strive  to  excel.  “Better  is  one’s  dharrna, 
though  destitute  of  merits,  than  the  well-executed  dharma 
of  another.  He  who  doeth  the  karma  laid  down  by  his 
own  nature  incurreth  no  sin.”  It  is  the  same  idea  of  the 
relativity  of  virtues  to  the  position  of  a man  that  we  find 
in  Plato’s  Republic.  The  special  virtues  required  of  the 
three  classic  castes  of  Brahmans,  warriors,  and  land- 
holders, are  dwelt  on  in  great  detail ; all  other  classes  are 
assigned  acts  in  the  nature  of  service,  with  a correspond- 
ing lowliness  and  humility  of  conduct.  Vivekananda 
complains  that  the  august  virtues  of  the  higher  castes 
are  no  longer  practiced,  but  that  the  whole  nation  has 
adopted  servile  ways,  singing  everywhere  without  end 
in  weak  abandonment,  “As  the  water  on  the  lotus  leaf 
is  thin  and  trembling,  so  unsteady  is  the  life  of  man.” 
The  heroic,  both  in  action  and  in  renunciation,  has  be- 
come rare.  Nietzsche  wTould  say  that  the  Indian  nation 
has  adopted  slave  habits  and  has  forgotten  its  master 
morality.  The  Gita  itself  says,  “Then  I shall  destroy 
all  caste  distinctions  and  thus  ruin  all  these  people”; 
and  Vivekananda  exclaims,  “Buddha  ruined  us  as  Christ 
ruined  the  Romans,”  laying  India’s  downfall  to  the  aban- 
donment of  the  heroic  caste  virtues.  It  is  remarkable  that 


46 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


a man  like  Vivekananda,  who  fought  against  the  arti- 
ficial restrictions  of  the  caste  system,  should  yet  see  in 
this  relativity  of  moral  precepts,  including  the  prescrip- 
tion of  heroic  virtues  for  the  higher  classes,  the  saving 
principle.  But  he  evidently  despairs  of  raising  the  vast 
masses  of  the  Indian  population  to  the  plane  of  energism 
in  morality;  he  feels  that  if  the  leaders  of  social  life  in 
India  were  inspired  by  these  ideals,  it  would  be  sufficient. 
While  abandoning  the  external  accessories  of  caste,  ad- 
vancing Indian  thought  is,  therefore,  inclined  to  retain 
some  of  its  essentials.  I shall  refer  again  later  to  this  very 
important  fact,  which  involves  a question  as  to  whether 
a unified  morality  is  possible  for  the  entire  human  race 
in  the  Orient  or  whether  we  must  accept  the  principle 
of  relative  duties  and  virtues. 

Thus  Hinduism  is  becoming  aggressive  in  the  sense  of 
seeing  greater  virtue  in  action  and  being  inspired  with 
ideals  of  positive  achievement  and  progress.1  In  speak- 
ing for  this  ideal  in  her  brilliant  little  pamphlet  on 
“Aggressive  Hinduism,”  Sister  Nivedita  shows  her 
grasp  of  the  essentials  that  make  up  Western  national 
energism.  She  knows  what  the  historic  sense  has  done 
for  the  West,  and  demands  that  the  “history  of  India, 

1 Mr.  S.  Nihal  Singh,  in  his  essay  on  ‘ ‘ The  Spirit  of  Maya  leav- 
ing Hindustan,”  in  Glimpses  of  the  Orient  To-day  (1910),  says, 
“To-day  a different  philosophy  is  moving  India’s  masses.  It  con- 
cerns itself  with  Here  and  Now,  and  relegates  the  Hereafter  to  the 
background.  It  develops  material  life  along  with  the  advancement 
of  the  Bpirit.” 


ENERGISM  IN  THE  ORIENT 


47 


which  has  yet  to  be  written  for  the  first  time,  should  be 
humanized,  emotionalized,  made  the  trumpet  voice  and 
evangel  of  the  races  that  inhabit  India.”  She  also  says 
that  Indian  life  must  seek  expression  in  nationalism, 
must  make  itself  strongly  national  before  it  can  take  its 
part  in  the  full  life  of  the  world.  Many  Hindus  are  in- 
clined to  believe  that  political  salvation  is  to  be  found 
in  the  idea  of  a world  state,  but  in  the  view  of  this  elo- 
quent writer  “only  the  tree  that  is  firm  rooted  in  its  own 
soil  can  offer  us  a perfect  crown  of  leaf  and  blossom.” 
However,  the  writers  and  thinkers  of  new  India  agree 
that  above  all  they  must  cherish  that  national  ideal 
which  expresses  iself  in  spirituality.  In  intellectual  and 
spiritual  force  they  see  the  highest  energy,  and  so  re- 
nunciation, truly  interpreted,  is,  after  all,  the  highest  vir- 
tue. “Concentration,  calmness,  and  inactivity  are  the 
result  of  centralization  of  great  powers  — calmness  is  the 
mother  of  tremendous  energy,”  these  words  of  Vive- 
kananda  express  that  valuation  which  sets  intellectual 
activity  high  above  all  mechanical  contrivance,  which 
appreciates  that,  by  the  side  of  the  thought-energy  of  the 
human  mind,  everything  else  is  insignificant.  This  is  the 
greatest  paradox  in  philosophy,  that  the  West,  where  man 
first  became  conscious  of  his  powers,  where  he  learned  to 
master  the  forces  of  nature  before  which  the  Oriental 
peoples  bowed  down  in  awe,  should  invariably  have  to 
yield  to  the  Orient  in  fully  appreciating  the  intense  power 
of  that  very  human  mind  and  its  activity. 


48 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


It  is  here  that  Hinduism  and  Buddhism  converge.  In 
both,  spiritual  force  is  most  highly  valued,  most  intensely 
striven  after.  But  as  the  Buddhist  belief  swept  away  the 
whole  fabric  of  caste  distinction  and  assumed  a position 
of  utter  unworldliness,  it  has  always  seemed  to  be  the 
religion  of  renunciation  carried  to  its  greatest  possible 
extreme.  The  concept  of  unending  change  is  the  essence 
of  Buddhism  as  it  is  the  essence  of  all  Oriental  thought 
and  poetry;  this  proves  how  true,  after  all,  an  expression 
of  the  real  spirit  of  the  Orient  is  to  be  found  in  Buddhism. 
Where  nothing  is  stable,  where  all  life  flows  past  the  be- 
holder like  a stream,  where  all  things  of  beauty  fade  and 
all  things  of  force  decay,  there  everything  invites  to  that 
quiet  abdication  which  always  has  a pessimistic  tinge. 
Now  the  West  has  arrived  at  a similar  position  in  its 
interpretation  of  the  universe.  Both  the  principle  of 
evolution  and  the  electric  theory  of  matter  are  not  only 
consonant  with  Buddhism,  but  are  to  a certain  extent 
anticipated  by  its  thought.  A realization  of  this  truth 
will  make  it  plain  that  in  its  real  and  deeper  meaning, 
Buddhism  is  neither  nihilistic  nor  pessimistic;  that  it  is  a 
superficial  view  to  think  that  Buddhism  erects  self-anni- 
hilation into  an  ideal,  sees  no  value  in  action,  and 
preaches  the  prone  acceptance  of  all  evil  as  inevitable. 
If  this  were  true,  Buddhism  could  never  have  been  a re- 
ligion of  salvation  to  millions,  it  would  have  ceased  to 
exist  long  ago.  It  is  also  a significant  fact  that  the  great 
energist  philosopher,  Schopenhauer,  stands  in  the  closest 


ENERGISM  IN  THE  ORIENT 


49 


relationship  to  Buddhism.  He  is  for  this  condemned  by 
his  dissident  pupil  Nietzsche;  but  if  this  brilliant  aphor- 
ist  had  lived  to  see  the  present  development  of  energism 
in  the  Orient,  he  might  have  looked  even  upon  Buddhism 
from  a different  point  of  view. 

As  a matter  of  fact,  while  Buddhism  is  a quietist, 
renouncing,  contemplative  religion,  it  after  all  has  its 
deepest  meaning  and  most  striking  significance  as  an  ap- 
preciation of  the  energy  of  the  human  mind.  Nirvana 
is  the  ultimate  achievement  of  the  complete  self-posses- 
sion and  mastery  of  mind,  gained  through  the  applica- 
tion of  the  most  concentrated  energy  in  mental  processes 
through  generations.  It  is  significant  that  it  is  this  side 
of  Buddhism,  the  side  of  intellectual  energism,  which  is  at 
the  present  time  most  insistently  dwelt  upon  by  its  ablest 
devotees,  to  the  confounding  of  the  notion  that  Buddhism 
is  enervating  and  reduces  to  a lower  level  of  life.  While 
these  energistic  implications  have  always  been  present 
in  Buddhism,  it  is  only  now  that  they  are  being  fully 
appreciated  in  the  Oriental  world  of  thought. 

The  Chinese  are  far  less  inclined  to  abstract  speculation 
and  philosophical  ideals  than  are  the  peoples  of  southern 
Asia.  They  follow  a common-sense  morality  which  is 
practical  in  its  categorical  precepts  and  judgments.  But 
the  traditional  temper  of  the  Chinese  is  also  eminently 
pacific  and  quietist.  The  great  strength  of  the  Chinese 
lies  in  peaceful  resistance;  without  meeting  force  by 
force, they  negative  the  effects  of  conquest  and  oppression 


50 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


in  a manner  that  elicited  the  deep  admiration  of  Tolstoi. 
He  held  up  the  Chinese  as  a model  to  his  fellow  Russians, 
and  called  attention  to  the  quiet  patience  of  this  vast 
mass  of  humanity,  to  their  manner  of  following  the  rule, 
“Resist  not  evil,”  in  not  opposing  to  injustice  harsh  and 
rebellious  measures,  but  in  following  the  quiet  and  natu- 
ral remedy  of  non-action.  The  Chinese  philosopher 
whose  thought  has  been  most  potent  in  giving  form  to 
the  quietist  ideals  of  this  vast  population  is  Lao-Tze. 
Often  called  the  Epicurus  of  China,  he  does  indeed  re- 
semble the  Greek  philosopher  in  the  manner  in  which  he 
values  reason  above  all  things.  In  his  view,  compared 
with  reason  as  working  itself  out  in  things  and  men,  self- 
conscious  human  energy  is  of  no  avail.  The  sage  must 
accept  the  course  of  nature  and  adapt  himself  to  it  by 
the  use  and  development  of  his  individual  reason:  “ Rea- 
son always  practices  non-assertion,  and  yet  there  is 
nothing  that  remains  undone.”  While  Lao-Tze’s  ideal 
of  non-assertiveness  does  not  mean  inactivity,  but  the 
desire  to  allow  things  to  develop  naturally  and  not  to 
force  their  growth  in  an  artificial  way,  such  has  not  been 
the  popular  understanding  of  his  thought.  The  merely 
passive  elements  in  his  philosophy  have  been  unduly 
emphasized.  Virtue  and  strength  have  thus  been  turned 
into  weakness,  and  at  present  many  Chinese  hold  Taoism 
responsible  for  that  inadequacy  of  national  organization 
and  action  through  which  China  has  suffered  numberless 
disadvantages  and  humiliations. 


ENERGISM  IN  THE  ORIENT 


51 


To-day  we  are  witnessing  the  awakening  of  this  vast 
people  to  new  energies  and  to  a more  active  conduct  of 
affairs.  Peaceful  China,  the  land  of  non-assertion,  is 
fast  becoming  military.  The  ideal  of  national  energy, 
efficiency,  and  strength  expresses  itself  'in  all  public 
utterances.  Great  sacrifices  are  made  for  military  pre- 
paration, and  throughout  the  provinces  even  the  children 
in  the  schools  are  put  into  uniforms  and  trained  in 
soldierly  fashion.  The  old  contempt  in  which  the  profes- 
sion of  warriors  was  held  in  this  most  rational  of  coun- 
tries has  passed  away,  as  fresh  energies  are  beginning  to 
stir.1 

The  literary  evangel  of  this  new  national  faith  is  found 
in  the  writings  of  Wang  Yang  Ming,  the  Chinese  soldier- 
philosopher,  whose  value  for  present-day  needs  the  Jap- 
anese were  the  first  to  discover.  During  the  last  decade 
he  has  become  the  most  widely  read  author  of  China. 
His  general  philosophy  is  alluded  to  elsewhere  in  this 
book;  here  we  are  concerned  with  him  only  as  a votary 
of  energism.  Wang  Yang  Ming's  practical  ethics  hinge 
upon  the  theory  that  thought  and  knowledge  are  of  little 
value  unless  translated  into  action.  Adequacy  in  action 
is,  therefore,  a test  to  be  applied  to  ideas  of  conduct  and 

1 The  extent  of  the  change  which  has  come  over  Chinese  feeling 
in  matters  of  national  strength,  is  witnessed  by  the  edict  on  mili- 
tary reform,  issued  in  April,  1911.  It  opens  with  the  sentence,"  We 
are  of  the  opinion  that  militarism  is  the  first  thing  necessary  to  the 
upbuilding  and  preservation  of  a nation,”  and  goes  on  to  recite  the 
deeds  of  valor  and  military  exploits  performed  by  the  Manchu 
dynasty. 


52 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


of  philosophy.  Himself  a man  of  affairs  as  well  as  a 
writer,  he  [could  express  these  thoughts  in  language 
pulsating  with  life  and  stimulating  to  deeds  of  valor. 
Among  all  native  writers  he  has  contributed  the  most 
characteristic  element  in  the  present  state  of  Chinese 
public  feeling.  This  zeal  for  action  expresses  itself  also 
in  the  prevalence  of  revolutionary  sentiments  and  de- 
sires, which  go  far  beyond  anything  the  old  philosopher 
would  probably  sanction.  The  idea  that  evils  are  to  be 
borne,  or  at  most  resisted  quietly,  has  largely  passed 
away,  and  in  its  place  there  has  arisen  the  belief  that 
only  through  positive  heroic  action  can  the  troublesome 
problems  of  national  life  be  solved.  The  words  of  Wang 
Yang  Ming  are  like  a trumpet  call  to  modern  China. 

Japan  is  the  true  apostle  of  energism  in  the  Orient, 
representing  this  temper  not  only  in  her  present  life  but 
also  in  her  traditional  practices.1  She  is  the  one  Oriental 

1 In  1910  a leading  Japanese  review  took  a vote  among  promin- 
ent men  on  the  question  of  who  are  the  greatest  moral  heroes  of 
the  world.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Hideyoshi  and  Napoleon 
tied  for  first  place;  after  them  followed  Bismarck,  Washington, 
Iyeyasu,  and  then  Luther,  Shokatsu  Komei,  and  Lincoln ; Caesar 
and  Gladstone  came  at  the  end  among  the  first  ten.  This  will  in- 
dicate the  importance  given  to  military  achievement  in  Japan.  In 
commenting  upon  this  matter,  Doctor  Inouye  Tetsujiro  said  that 
there  are  only  four  men  who  are  entitled  to  be  called  seijin,  or  great 
moral  heroes:  Christ,  Socrates,  Confucius,  and  Buddha.  All  other 
heroes  are  of  coarser  fibre.  Both  of  these  classes  of  heroes  are 
judged  by  character  as  a standard,  their  work  must  be  an  out- 
growth of  their  character;  both  display  great  strength  of  will.  But 
the  truly  great  heroes  are  spiritual  in  influence,  while  the  others 
are  material.  The  teachings  of  the  greatest  heroes  have  been  turned 


ENERGISM  IN  THE  ORIENT 


53 


nation  in  which  military  feudalism  developed  in  a man- 
ner almost  entirely  parallel  to  that  of  Europe.  The  mili- 
tant side  of  feudalism  still  constituted  the  essence  of  her 
action  and  ideals  as  she  emerged  into  the  fullness  of 
modern  life.  The  priest  and  the  philosopher  never  gained 
the  ascendancy  in  Japan  which  they  had  in  the  Chinese 
and  Indian  systems.  Though  Japan  has  accepted  and  is 
harboring  both  Buddhism  and  Confucianism,  she  has 
fused  them  with  her  own  peculiar  forms  of  thought  into  a 
distinctive  national  unity.  Undaunted  by  the  contra- 
dictions between  these  different  systems,  she  has  adapted 
them  to  her  eminently  positivist  temper,  and  has 
moulded  ideas  of  conduct  in  which  the  development  and 
expression  of  human  energy  hold  the  central  place.  From 
the  militant  ages  she  has  taken  over  her  gentlemanly 
code,  bushddo,  the  Way  of  the  Warrior,  which  inculcates 
loyalty,  generosity,  bravery,  and  other  virtues  that  Plato 
and  the  Hindu  classics  demand  of  the  governing  castes. 
Here  the  code  of  the  select  has  not  been  swamped,  as  in 
India,  in  the  resigned  and  servile  misery  of  the  masses. 
New  Japan  has,  indeed,  attempted  to  extend  the  sway 
of  traditional  moral  precepts  to  all  classes  of  the  popula- 
tion, but  the  problem  has  not  by  any  means  been  solved 
as  yet,  and  it  is  apparent  that  a code  made  for  knights 
in  a militant  age  does  not  meet  all  the  moral  difficulties 
of  a modern  industrial  society. 

into  weakness  by  degenerate  followers.  Therefore,  in  our  age  of 
relentless  competition,  the  military  and  virile  virtues  of  ordinary 
heroes  are  necessary.  — Japan  Mail. 


54 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


The  ethics  of  Japan  are  notable,  in  that  suicide  itself 
is  not  viewed  as  resignation,  but  as  the  highest  and  most 
emphatic  expression  of  personality.  Under  the  code  of 
bushido,  the  feudal  knight  or  dependent  felt  his  duty  of 
loyalty  most  intensely;  should  his  superior  pursue  a 
course  of  action  that  seemed  ill-advised  and  dangerous, 
respectful  representations  might  be  made;  but  if  no  heed 
were  given  to  such  quiet  and  polite  suggestions,  the  loyal 
retainer  still  had  the  recourse  of  taking  his  own  life  in 
order  to  awaken  the  conscience  and  good  sense  of  his 
master.  In  this  most  powerful  appeal,  life  itself,  with  all 
its  energy,  was  consumed.  These  tendencies  still  hold 
sway  in  modem  Japan;  suicide  is  not  merely,  or  princip- 
ally, a means  of  escaping  from  a situation  grown  un- 
bearable, but  it  is  often  the  most  intense  self-assertion, 
either  as  a protest  against  some  great  evil,  or  an  ap- 
peal intended  to  move  men  to  needed  action. 

This  brief  review  of  the  contemporary  thought  of  the 
Eastern  world  will  show  how  far  these  ancient  nations 
have  gone  in  turning  to  a philosophy  of  action  and  en- 
ergy. The  manifestations  of  this  spirit  will  indeed  differ 
in  many  ways  from  similar  tendencies  in  the  West,  be- 
cause of  certain  fundamental  distinctions  that  separate 
external  development.  Western  individualism,  with  all 
it  implies  and  involves,  is  still  foreign  to  the  Orient. 
When  we  inquire  for  the  root  and  source  of  this  promi- 
nence of  the  individual  personality,  of  this  freedom  of 
development,  we  have  to  go  to  the  classicism  of  Greece 


ENERGISM  IN  THE  ORIENT 


53 


and  Rome.  The  classic  spirit  is  the  spirit  of  self-limita- 
tion, it  implies  the  power  and  will  to  control  both  our  view 
of  things  and  our  expression,  restraining  them  within  a 
definite  orbit  and  excluding  all  that  is  merely  curious, 
or  horrible,  or  insane.  Thus  liberty  is  born  of  self-re- 
straint. As  a result  of  this  mutual  limitation,  individu- 
als become  conscious  of  their  differences  of  character  and 
of  that  subtle  complex  which  we  call  personality.  At 
first  sight  it  is  strange  that  it  has  been  exactly  this  indi- 
vidualistic West  that  has  striven  to  apply  its  moral  prin- 
ciples to  all  alike,  in  other  words,  that  has  transfused 
ethics  with  democracy.  Yet  when  we  remember  that 
personality  is  the  result  of  self-restraint,  this  wall  seem 
less  paradoxical. 

In  all  these  matters  important  differences  exist  be- 
tween East  and  West.  We  have  already  seen  that  as  the 
demand  for  energetic  manifestations  of  human  character 
and  action  arises  in  the  Orient,  it  is  prone  to  appeal  to 
caste  instinct  and  to  invoke  those  codes  of  behavior 
which  rest  upon  social  selection.  This  is  the  deepest 
problem  involved  in  the  present  Oriental  transition:  can 
a common  morality  of  mankind,  applicable  to  all  human 
beings,  enjoin  those  qualities  of  character  which  are  de- 
manded by  energist  ideals?  Are  we  to  have  democracy  or 
aristocracy  in  the  realm  of  morals?  Of  the  three  princi- 
pal countries  of  Asia,  China  is  most  truly  the  home  of 
democracy.  While  democracy  was  not  formally  recog- 
nized as  a method  of  government,  the  temper  of  Chinese 


56 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


affairs  was  such  that  whatever  concerned  a community 
was  not  settled  without  its  consent;  though  there  also 
existed  a certain  social  hierarchy.  These  democratic  sen- 
timents prevail  even  more  fully  in  the  present  national 
transition,  when  the  effort  is  being  made  to  mould  the 
forms  of  the  state  in  accordance  with  popular  ideals,  to 
go  beyond  the  superficial  parliamentarism  of  Japan  and 
to  give  the  vast  empire  a system  of  truly  representative 
institutions.  It  is  therefore  not  surprising  that  those 
manifestations  of  energism  which  we  note  in  contemp- 
orary China  assume  a thoroughly  popular  character. 
Participated  in  by  the  masses  of  Chinese  humanity,  this 
tendency  will  produce  movements  responsive  to  ideals 
that  are  not  exclusive. 

It  will  be  of  the  greatest  interest  to  watch  the  unfold- 
ing of  the  contrast  between  aristocratic  and  democratic 
forms  of  morality  in  the  Far  East.  In  India  and  Japan 
the  question  is,  Can  the  energism  which  the  national  life 
requires  be  developed  without  recourse  to  the  historic 
codes  of  the  warrior  castes?  And  if  these  codes  are  neces- 
sary, is  there  any  way  in  which  the  master  morality, 
which  they  contain,  can  be  transfused  into  more  general 
social  precepts?  China,  on  the  other  hand,  is  confronted 
with  the  question  whether,  without  the  leadership  which 
is  so  strongly  developed  in  Japan  and  which  is  striving 
for  ascendancy  in  India,  the  national  regeneration  can 
be  carried  through  successfully.  If  it  should  become  clear 
that  this  could  not  be  done,  then  there  may  gradually 


ENERGISM  IN  THE  ORIENT 


57 


emerge  in  the  morality  of  China  more  aristocratic  con- 
ceptions. Who  would  have  suspected,  a decade  or  so  ago, 
that  the  great  problem  of  slave  and  master  morality 
would  so  soon  be  fought  out  on  the  vast  theatre  of  Asi- 
atic civilizations?  Here  it  is  really  to  be  decided  whether 
the  world  is  to  have  a human,  a universal,  code  of  ethics. 

It  is  perhaps  true  that  the  thinking  men  of  the  Orient, 
as  they  compare  their  own  civilization  with  that  of 
Europe,  feel  keenly  the  lack  of  individualism  with  its 
resultant  personal  energy.  Touched  with  the  fire  of  ac- 
tive ambition,  they  are  seized  with  the  Renaissance 
spirit.  They  desire  that  human  personality  should  be 
given  full  freedom  of  growth  and  action.  Instinctively 
they  suspect  that  such  a development  cannot  be  hoped 
for  if  there  is  only  a mass  movement;  they  therefore 
turn  to  those  aristocratic  codes  which  the  past  has 
bom,  and  hope  to  get  from  them  that  invigoration  of 
human  personality  which  national  life  requires.  If  the 
Orient  is  to  travel  the  road  of  democracy  in  the  Western 
sense,  it  wTould  seem  that  it  could  be  reached  only  through 
the  development  of  individualism,  which  is  often  anti- 
democratic in  tendency. 

The  new  temper  of  the  East  involves  a radical  change 
of  attitude  toward  physical  nature;  patient  submission 
to  nature’s  force  and  caprice  is  giving  way  to  a desire 
for  mastery.  Altogether  the  most  important  intellect- 
ual change  which  the  Orient  is  undergoing  is  the  ac- 
quisition of  that  idea  of  the  rule  of  natural  law  which 


58 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


was  first  developed  in  the  West.  Up  to  very  recent  time 
the  mystic  element  has  been  strongest  in  Oriental  life. 
The  Oriental  would  rather  imagine  and  interpret  than 
understand;  he  does  not  long  to  lift  the  veil  of  mystery 
that  shrouds  religion  and  authority.  Carrying  out  the 
idea  of  Dostojevski’s  words,  "Russia  cannot  be  under- 
stood, she  must  be  believed  in,”  the  Orientals  are  ready 
to  believe  in  anything  that  surrounds  itself  with  splen- 
dor and  the  emblems  of  authority.  Moreover,  every  as- 
pect of  life  is  viewed  as  an  expression  of  mystic  spiritual 
forces.  Spirits  are  everywhere;  the  poorest  Hindu  peas- 
ant constantly  feels  their  immanence;  in  the  beliefs  of 
Chinese  folklore,  air  and  soil  are  peopled  with  genii.  The 
Japanese  build  delicate  temples  in  woodland  glades; 
no  human  being  ever  enters  them;  but  many  gaze  rever- 
ently through  the  latticed  windows  into  the  twilight  si- 
lence within,  where  abide  divinities  and  ghosts  of  noble 
men.  The  highest  and  purest  expression  of  this  belief  is 
found  in  the  hero-worship  among  Oriental  nations, 
especially  among  the  people  of  India  and  Japan.  The 
great  man,  the  noble  character,  is  held  to  be  a direct  im- 
personation of  the  divine  spirit;  and  to  worship  him  ap- 
pears a most  natural  thought.  Thus  the  Oriental  feels 
himself  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  spiritual  forces,  by 
whose  influences  his  everyday  life  is  moulded  and  his 
destiny  controlled. 

The  one  important  conception  which  the  popular 
Oriental  mind  lacks  is  that  these  mysterious  and  all- 


ENERGISM  IN  THE  ORIENT 


59 


powerful  manifestations  are  themselves  governed  by  a 
fixed  norm.  The  reign  of  natural  law  is  not  a current 
thought  among  the  Oriental  masses,  who  still  live  under 
a tyranny  of  capricious  spirits.  The  idea  of  gradual, 
orderly  development  according  to  a universal  rule,  — 
the  cosmos  of  the  physical  world,  — though  comprised 
in  their  philosophical  system,  is  not  familiar  to  larger 
numbers  as  it  is  in  the  West.  This  attitude  of  the  Ori- 
ental mind  toward  natural  phenomena  is  due  to  two 
causes : in  the  first  place,  nature  in  her  manifestations  is 
so  overpowering  as  to  awe  and  suppress  the  spirit  of  man, 
and  to  prevent  his  conceiving  himself  as  the  central 
figure,  as  the  ruler  and  director  of  all  this  energy;  on  the 
other  hand,  the  philosophical  mind  of  the  Orient  is  so 
much  taken  up  with  the  things  of  the  spirit  that,  while 
it  does  construct  and  develop  comprehensive  systems  of 
cosmogeny  and  evolution,  it  does  not  study  natural 
phenomena  in  detail  and  by  the  experimental  method. 
The  development  of  energism  which  we  have  been  trac- 
ing, however,  involves  a profound  change  in  the  attitude 
of  the  Oriental  mind  toward  natural  phenomena.  The 
field  in  which  human  talent  and  energy  has  so  trium- 
phantly manifested  itself  in  the  West  will  not  remain 
closed  to  Oriental  experience.  Already  the  Japanese  are 
taking  a high  position  in  the  physical  sciences,  and  in 
India  the  pressure  is  enormous  to  pass  from  the  narrow 
tutelage  of  the  classics,  as  taught  under  the  British  sys- 
tem, to  the  splendid  vistas  of  modern  scientific  achieve- 


60 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


ments.  The  highest  ambitions,  the  profoundest  senti- 
ments of  the  Orient  are  bound  up  with  the  desire,  now 
suddenly  revealed,  to  rival  the  West  in  scientific  mastery, 
and  so  the  spirit  twilight  will  soon  disappear.  In  a meas- 
ure, the  Orient  may  repeat  the  experience  of  the  ancient 
pagan  world,  as  set  forth  by  Shelley  when  he  speaks  of 
“the  hills,  and  seas  and  streams,  dispeopled  of  their 
dreams.” 

But  if  the  Orient  is  to  adopt  the  philosophy  of  en- 
ergism  and  active  life,  it  does  not,  after  all,  follow  that  it 
will  change  its  most  underlying  and  essential  ideals.  It 
has  often  been  said  that  if  the  Japanese  have  made  them- 
selves strong  by  the  adoption  of  Western  methods  and 
processes,  they  have  done  so  in  order  to  be  able  the  more 
effectively  to  protect  the  treasures  of  their  own  ideals 
and  civilization.  “ Make  yourself  strong  so  that  you  may 
retain  the  right  to  be  yourself,”  that  seems  to  be  the 
temper,  not  only  of  Japan,  but  also  of  China  and  India; 
and  the  self  of  the  Orient  is  now,  and  intends  to  remain, 
highly  spiritual.  Mastery  over  external  nature,  indeed, 
attracts  as  part  of  the  regime  of  energetic  activity,  but 
to  the  Orient  the  spirit  of  man,  the  mysteries  of  his  psy- 
chology, the  grandeur  of  the  limitless  vistas  of  develop- 
ment of  which  the  human  soul  is  capable  and  the  heights 
to  which  it  may  attain,  are  more  fascinating  than  any  of 
the  phenomena  of  external  physical  nature.  It  is  to 
Orientals  a source  of  great  inspiration  and  enthusiasm 
to  think  that  they  are  called  to  give  to  the  world,  and  to 


ENERGISM  IN  THE  ORIENT 


61 


perpetuate  in  it,  this  noble  spirituality.  They  have  come 
to  recognize  the  merits  of  the  West,  its  high  individual 
development,  its  energetic  activity,  its  clean  and  success- 
ful methods,  its  complex  system  of  machinery;  but  they 
also  well  understand  that  the  human  spirit  does  not  al- 
ways come  to  its  own  with  all  this  efficiency  and  outward 
success,  that  machinery  kills  souls,  that  mechanism 
destroys  human  feeling.  When  they  see  the  West  striving 
to  introduce  mechanical  ideas  into  the  most  sublime 
realms  of  thought,  standardizing  everything  upon  the 
basis  of  computed  units  of  efficiency,  they  feel  that  the 
Orient  still  has  a message  that  will  be  heard.  It  is  from 
materialism  that  they  hope  to  bring  liberation.  The 
manner  is  not  yet  clearly  seen;  but  as  the  West  glories 
in  its  efficiency,  so  does  the  East  draw  comfort  and  con- 
fidence from  the  thought  that  its  spirituality  is  to  be  the 
salvation  of  the  world.  This  destiny  it  can  fulfill  only 
if  its  newly  aroused  energies  are  directed  to  the  achieve- 
ment of  aims  that  have  a spiritual  meaning  and  value. 


CHAPTER  III 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP  IN  CONTEMPORARY  INDIA 

The  historic  traditions  of  the  eastern  half  of  Asia  are 
eminently  favorable  to  the  recognition  of  leadership 
based  upon  intellectual  power.  Both  China  and  India,  as 
well  as  the  small  countries  lying  between  them,  have 
given  intellectual  qualities  a unique  preeminence  in 
their  social  and  political  systems.  The  wisdom  of  the 
mandarin  or  the  Brahman,  rather  than  the  haughty 
dominance  of  a feudal  noblesse,  the  prowess  of  a general, 
or  the  popularity  of  a politician,  has  been,  in  theory  at 
least,  the  quality  upon  which  these  Oriental  nations  have 
based  their  reliance  in  matters  of  state  life.  It  is  this 
conception  of  the  sovereignty  of  mind  which  Plato  in- 
terpreted and  applied  to  Greek  affairs  in  the  Republic. 
In  view  of  such  social  ideals,  it  is  natural  to  expect  that 
the  men  of  mind  and  learning  should  in  these  countries 
be  identified  in  a direct  manner  with  the  strivings  of 
social  consciousness,  that  they  should  be  par  excellence 
the  representative  men  of  their  countries. 

In  India,  however,  the  more  recent  developments  of 
social  and  political  life  have  by  no  means  been  favorable 
to  the  complete  and  normal  evolution  of  an  intellectual 
leadership  in  direct  touch  and  harmony  with  other  social 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


63 


forces.  A blighting  dualism  has  been  introduced  into  In- 
dian life  — superimposed  upon  that  complex  and  intri- 
cate web  of  racial  traits,  religious  beliefs,  and  social  ob- 
servances, that  tapis  of  variegated  and  irregular  design, 
which  has  come  from  the  loom  of  Indian  history.  Every 
conquest,  indeed,  will  produce  a more  or  less  permanent 
dualism.  In  measure  as  the  social  consciousness  of  victor 
and  conquered  have  reached  clearness  of  expression,  this 
antagonism  will  be  more  pronounced.  There  may,  in- 
deed, be  a gradual  approach  and  amalgamation  as  in  the 
case  of  Rome  and  Gaul,  or  of  the  Alexandrine  conquest 
of  Asia  Minor;  but  on  the  other  hand,  the  tendencies  of 
the  two  civilizations  may  be  so  dissimilar  that  a continu- 
ing and  apparently  irreconcilable  disparity  results,  as 
in  Russian  Poland  and  Finland,  in  Crete,  or  in  the  Mo- 
hammedan colonies  of  France.  Such  a permanent  dual- 
ism leads  to  a situation  that  may,  from  the  point  of  view 
of  normal  political  conditions,  be  called  unnatural,  as  it 
stands  in  the  way  of  that  spontaneous  development  of  a 
unified  national  energy  which  is  the  law  of  normal  life  in 
society. 

The  Mohammedan  conquest  had  already  introduced 
a dualism  of  this  nature  into  India.  On  nearly  every 
point  of  social  and  religious  belief  the  Islamite  con- 
querors stood,  and  continued  to  stand,  apart  from  the 
life  of  the  Hindus.  Certain  adjustments,  indeed,  were 
made  in  the  course  of  time.  The  democratic  religion  of 
Islam  exercised  a great  attraction  upon  the  masses,  so 


64 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


that  to-day  one  fourth  of  the  inhabitants  of  India  are 
among  the  followers  of  the  Prophet.  Moreover,  religions 
have  a way  of  accommodating  themselves  one  to  another 
in  the  Orient,  where  purely  religious  discord  — aside 
from  social  and  political  interests  — is  well-nigh  un- 
thinkable. The  Oriental  mind,  cosmopolitan  in  these 
matters,  instinctively  seizes  the  elements  of  unity  found 
in  all  religious  belief.  From  the  Hindu  point  of  view  Is- 
lamite monotheism  could  be  interpreted  as  a more  inten- 
sive form  of  worship  concentrated  upon  one  particular 
divinity,  in  itself  not  alien  to  Hindu  ideas.  Thus  the 
contrasts  between  these  forces  were  less  marked  than 
from  a purely  theoretical  point  of  view  we  should  be  led 
to  assume. 

Yet,  on  the  other  hand,  the  age  of  Mogul  rule  brought 
no  true  amalgamation  of  national  life,  no  growth  of  a 
feeling  of  unity  and  common  purposes  among  the  intel- 
lectual leaders  of  India.  The  stagnation  of  the  Hindu  in- 
tellect continued  and  grew  more  hopelessly  film-covered 
as  time  went  on.  The  patronage  secured  for  literature 
at  the  courts  of  various  Indian  rulers  kept  alive  literary 
activities,  but  did  not  produce  a strong  expression  of 
national  life.  At  the  courts  using  the  Persian  language 
there  was,  to  be  sure,  a faint  after-glow  of  the  glories  of 
Persian  poetry;  but  the  Hindu  dialects  had  even  less  to 
show  during  these  centuries  of  regression.  Classic  studies 
according  to  the  old  form  were  preserved,  but  as  for  any 
manifestations  of  original  genius,  it  was  an  age  of  intel- 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


65 


lectual  decadence.  The  pundits  of  Benares  and  like  cen- 
tres of  Sanskrit  learning  continued  to  expound  the  sacred 
texts;  the  Yogi  philosophers,  and  other  less  coherent 
devotees  of  mystic  thought,  were,  as  of  yore,  deeply 
absorbed  in  esoteric  meditations;  the  court  poets  sang  the 
glories  of  the  dawn,  or  in  more  amorous  moods  celebrated 
the  soft,  silken  eyelashes,  the  lily-white  hands  of  the 
odalisques.  But  the  spirit  of  Kalidasa  was  no  longer 
abroad  in  the  land,  the  strength  and  beauty  of  poetic 
thought  had  become  a classic  legacy. 

It  was  into  this  stagnant  civilization  — full  of  varied 
and  multi-colored  life,  indeed,  in  its  more  detailed  as- 
pects, but  torpid  as  a national  whole  — into  this  abode 
of  departed  greatness,  into  this  jungle  of  castes,  this 
tangled  wilderness  of  religious  beliefs,  from  rude  fetich- 
worship  to  all  the  subtle  shadings  of  deistic  speculation, 
it  was  into  this  world  called  India,  that  the  barbarians 
of  the  West,  led  by  commercial  impulse,  urged  on  by  jeal- 
ousies, brought  new  discord  and  an  even  deeper  dual- 
ism of  life.  In  certain  moods  we  might  almost  regard 
it  as  a fantasy  of  Providence  that  it  should  have  de- 
signated, from  among  all  the  Western  races,  the  one 
inherently  least  ideological  — least  spirituel  — to  guide 
the  destinies  of  this  Mother  of  beliefs,  thoughts,  and  imag- 
inings. It  may  perhaps  be  said  that  an  erudite  and  imag- 
inative nation  would  have  been  too  much  appalled  by 
the  task  before  it;  with  the  impulse  to  study  and  under- 
stand the  infinite  complexity  and  the  strident  dishar- 


66 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


monies  of  Indian  life,  it  might  not  have  combined  the 
cool  power  of  will  necessary  to  rule  with  a firm  hand 
over  all  this  agitated  world.  The  English  have  relied 
but  little  on  science  or  imagination;  instinct  has  been 
their  guide  — and  thus,  after  they  had  “blundered  into 
all  the  best  places  of  the  earth,”  they  maintained  them- 
selves by  everywhere  remaining  themselves,  and  allow- 
ing subject  peoples  to  do  likewise.  Nor  was  the  directness 
of  their  aim  obscured  or  their  purpose  deflected  by  deep 
pondering  on  the  civilizations  with  which  they  have  to 
deal.  Thus,  while  the  French  were  making  an  ardent 
propaganda  for  Gallic  civilization,  and  while  the  Ger- 
mans were  exploring  out-of-the-way  corners  with  infinite 
zeal  and  illuminating  results,  or  were  marveling  at  the 
profundity  of  Indian  thought,  the  English  drank  toddy 
and  ruled  the  world.  Whenever  they  did  allow  theoret- 
ical considerations  to  prevail,  curious  consequences 
followed,  due,  according  to  hostile  critics,  to  a deeply 
Machiavellian  manipulation  of  causes  and  effects;  while 
others  attributed  such  results  to  the  bland,  uncalculating 
liberality  of  the  English  rulers.  However  that  may  be, 
such  occasional  instances  of  theoretical  policies  did  have 
their  tangible  results;  “free  trade”  in  India  meant  a 
clear  road  for  British  merchants,  and  certain  liberal  in- 
stitutions set  the  Indian  religious  factions  by  the  ears.1 
But  there  were  few  instances  of  such  attempts  at  “assim- 

1 Mr.  Theodore  Morison,  in  his  Imperial  Rule  in  India,  has 
pointed  out  Btrikingly  the  perverse  effects  of  liberal  institutions 
in  India. 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


67 


ilation.”  The  English  knew,  or  guessed,  that  they  had 
no  predecessors  or  prototypes  in  their  work;  so  they 
followed  no  models.  The  Romans  had  a different  world 
to  conquer  and  to  rule,  a world  of  racially  related 
peoples;  they,  too,  remained  themselves,  but  they  emu- 
lated the  Creator  in  making  other  peoples  after  their 
own  image.  The  English  have  felt  the  difference  in  their 
position  and  have  not  tried  to  Anglicize  the  subject 
populations. 

It  is,  however,  curious  to  note  that,  in  so  far  as  the 
policy  of  assimilation  has  been  used  at  all  in  India,  it  has 
caused  the  dualism  which  inevitably  results  from  con- 
quests to  become  far  more  emphatic  and  permanent. 
The  self-contained,  reserved  character  of  the  English  has 
tended  to  accentuate  the  caste  superiority  of  the  con- 
querors. But  it  is  not  only  the  implied  antagonism  of 
this  new  superimposed  caste  to  all  the  native  growths  of 
social  organization  that  stands  as  a conspicuous  result 
of  the  Indian  conquest.  No, -there  has  been  in  addition 
brought  into  native  life  a dualism  of  culture  which, 
reaching  far  deeper  than  any  earlier  schism,  has  severed 
the  intellectual  element  of  the  nation  from  the  historic 
traditions  of  Indian  development.  Thus  contemporary 
intellectual  life  in  India  has  become  incongruous  and 
full  of  conflicting  tendencies  — lacking  that  strong  uni- 
fying influence,  that  dominant  impulse,  which  free  na- 
tions draw  from  the  living  consciousness  of  past  ideals 
and  achievements. 


68 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


When,  a hundred  years  ago,  the  English  first  seriously 
faced  the  problem  of  their  relation  to  the  native  culture 
of  India,  they  were  inclined  to  follow  the  simple  policy  of 
laissez  faire.  Active  propaganda  of  Western  ideas  was 
avoided  and  Indian  culture  was  mildly  encouraged,  as  it 
had  been  encouraged  by  the  Mogul  and  native  rulers 
whom  the  British  succeeded.  But  the  rationalistic  side 
of  Liberalism,  so  effectively  represented  by  Lord  Ma- 
caulay in  his  famous  report,  tended  to  give  prominence 
to  the  ideal  of  introducing  the  Hindu  mind,  caught  in 
the  meshes  of  hampering  superstition,  to  the  bright  light 
of  Western  science  and  philosophy.  This  view  gradually 
gained  many  adherents  among  those  in  authority.  Thus 
it  came  about  that  the  non-assimilating  English  did  ac- 
tually introduce  into  India  a system  of  education  based 
entirely  upon  their  own  ideas  and  experience,  a system 
which  in  the  event  served  to  impede  the  spontaneous 
development  of  native  culture  and  to  substitute  in  its 
place  an  artificial  exotic  growth. 

It  has  now  become  a matter  of  common  knowledge 
and  opinion  that  the  Indian  system  of  education  is  too 
exclusively  literary  and  too  superficial  to  make  for  train- 
ing in  efficiency.  The  instruction  of  the  students  in  the 
middle  and  higher  schools  consists  of  English  grammar, 
composition  and  literature,  mathematics,  philosophy 
(logic  and  metaphysics),  and  general  history,  to  which 
are  added  on  a second  plane,  Sanskrit,  Latin,  or  some 
modern  Indian  language,  and  an  elementary  smattering 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


69 


of  “natural  history.”  The  system  is  purely  a product  of 
a priori  reasoning,  without  regard  to  the  historic  back- 
ground of  Indian  culture,  nor  to  the  economic  and  social 
needs  of  the  Indian  population.  The  fact  that  educational 
affairs  were  given  this  turn  is  due  in  a large  measure  to 
the  intellectual  temper  of  a time  when  the  historical 
school  had  not  yet  done  its  work  and  when  the  all-import- 
ance of  scientific  training  was  not  as  yet  understood. 
But  its  retention  in  the  face  of  results  disastrous  to  Indian 
culture  may  be  explained  partly  by  the  fact  that  literary 
education,  requiring  neither  laboratories  nor  even  large 
libraries,  is  cheap,  and  therefore  adapted  to  an  excess- 
ively poor  country  like  India.  That  the  English  har- 
bored a sinister  purpose  to  destroy  native  culture,  and 
impede  the  development  of  national  life  in  this  manner, 
is  a charge  based  on  reflex  reasoning  rather  than  on  a 
frank  inquiry  into  motives.  But,  though  adapted  to  a 
poor  country,  the  system  was  evidently  apt  to  make  the 
country  poorer  still  by  stunting  intellectual  growth.  This 
tendency  is  now  so  fully  realized  by  the  leaders  of  India, 
as  well  as  by  the  Government,  that  efforts  are  being 
made  to  improve  training  in  the  direction  of  really  scien- 
tific training  and  mental  power.  But  in  our  present  study 
of  the  contemporary  Indian  intellect  we  are  concerned 
rather  with  the  results  produced  by  this  system,  during 
its  existence  of  three  quarters  of  a century,  than  with 
the  effects  which  may  be  expected  from  changes  sug- 
gested and  partially  introduced  in  recent  years. 


70 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


In  the  leading  European  countries,  as  well  as  in  Japan, 
there  has  been  an  uninterrupted  development  of  national 
culture,  disturbed  at  times,  retarded,  warped  by  external 
factors,  yet  in  the  main  a continuous  growth.  There  has 
at  least  been  no  violent  break  in  traditions,  from  the 
Nibelungenlied  to  Hauptmann,  from  Beowulf  to  Tenny- 
son, yes,  even  from  Tacitus  to  Renan,  from  Aristotle  to 
Lord  Kelvin.  The  literature,  science,  philosophy,  ethics, 
of  to-day  are  intimately  connected  with  our  past  tradi- 
tions, out  of  which  they  have  been  gradually  developed. 
Nor  has  there  ever  been  a long  period  of  decadence  and 
stagnation ; for  as  the  Roman  world  fell  into  decay,  the 
vigorous  Germanic  nations  were  giving  themselves  their 
first  schooling  in  a more  progressive  civilization.  In  this 
the  circumstances  of  the  Orient,  especially  of  India, 
have  differed  widely  from  our  own.  There  the  great 
things  lie  in  the  past,  and,  for  centuries  prior  to  the  com- 
ing of  the  British,  the  national  mind,  despairing  of  any 
higher  destiny,  or  flatly  contented,  turned  its  eyes  to  the 
past  for  all  guidance  and  inspiration.  It  was  an  era  of  in- 
tellectual languor,  satisfied  that  the  best  had  been  said 
and  the  greatest  achieved,  — not  of  resolute  striving  for 
still  higher  advance.  Then  suddenly  this  connection 
with  the  past  was  severed,  and  the  Indian  intellect  was 
invaded  by  the  conflicting  notions  and  ideas  of  European 
literary  culture,  imparted  in  a superficial  manner. 

It  is  a fact  that  the  intense  curiosity  aroused  among  us 
by  the  Orient  was  in  a measure  reciprocated  with  regard 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


71 


to  Western  learning  by  a large  part  of  the  Indian  cultured 
world,  even  in  the  first  era  of  more  intimate  contact.  The 
Indians  were  lukewarm  in  the  support  of  their  own  tra- 
ditional culture,  and  their  youth  crowded  the  opening 
portals  of  Western  learning.  Was  it  a true  hunger  for 
mental  sustenance,  was  it  idle  curiosity,  greed  for  nov- 
elty, which  affects  even  the  staid  and  stoic  East?  or 
was  it  even  less  dignified  — connected  with  the  quest  for 
clerical  employment? 

I Enthusiasm  for  the  learning  of  the  conquerors  is  in- 
deed a frequent  phenomenon : as  the  East  Indians  were 
eager  to  learn  English,  so  are  the  Filipinos;  so  the  negroes 
of  North  America  and  of  the  West  Indies  yearn  for  a 
literary  education.  Undoubtedly  motives  of  a mixed 
nature  are  active  in  this  matter;  chief  among  them, 
however,  being  a desire  for  intellectual  equality  with  the 
ruling  race.  In  India,  where  the  educational  system  was 
made  the  gateway  to  preferment  in  the  native  civil  ser- 
vice, narrowly  utilitarian  methods  and  practices  soon  be- 
gan to  dominate.  It  is  depressing  to  consider  the  effects 
produced  when  a purely  cultural  factor  — literary  or  ar- 
tistic — is  turned  into  an  instrument  for  obtaining  an 
extraneous  advantage,  when  it  is  associated  with  a utility 
foreign  to  itself.  In  India,  education  came  to  be  re- 
garded, not  as  a development  and  an  unfolding  of  the 
mind,  an  adaptation  to  social  environment  and  a fitting 
for  social  service,  but  as  a condition  to  being  employed 
by  the  Government  and  earning  a clerk’s  salary. 


72 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


The  passing  of  certain  examinations,  which  are  the 
portal  to  official  employment,  is  the  end-all  and  be-all 
of  this  education.  The  energy  of  students  and  teachers 
is  bent  on  these  tests,  and  their  successful  accomplish- 
ment is  the  sole  criterion  of  educational  methods.  Un- 
fortunately the  Government  has  afforded  additional 
encouragement  to  a tendency,  already  too  strong,  by 
basing  the  ratio  of  grants-in-aid  upon  the  success  of  the 
students  in  a given  institution  in  passing  examinations. 
The  result  is  a superficial,  narrow,  one-sided  training,  in 
which  the  memory  is  almost  exclusively  relied  upon.  It 
is  a text-book  education,  a continued  cramming  process. 
But  even  the  official  standard  text-books  contain  too 
much  material  for  the  thrifty-minded  students;  the  con- 
tents are  condensed  and  the  abstracts  or  keys  are  memo- 
rized, together  with  the  notes  on  lectures,  which  latter 
adhere  closely  to  the  subject-programme  set  for  the  ex- 
aminations. The  feats  of  memory  performed  at  examin- 
ations are  indeed  notable,  but  usually  they  are  mechani- 
cal and  utterly  apart  from  independent  reasoning  and 
judgment.  Translations  are  learned  “in  blocks,”  and  it 
has  often  happened  that  students  will  begin  a required 
translation  before  the  point  assigned,  and  with  momen- 
tum thus  gained  run  on  beyond  the  end,  writing  out  a 
complete  bloc  as  memorized.  Historical  facts  and  names 
will  be  remembered,  not  by  their  logical  connections,  but 
through  some  artificial  device  with  the  aid  of  numbers, 
assonances,  or  fortuitous  associations.  As  a result  there 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


73 


is  a total  lack  of  grasp ; the  essential  is  not  distinguished 
from  the  incidental;  there  is  no  scientific  analysis  and 
coordination. 

No  system  could  have  been  more  successfully  devised 
for  the  intellectual  emasculation  of  a race  than  this  “in- 
troduction of  the  Eastern  mind  to  the  treasures  of  our 
literature  and  philosophy.”  Instead  of  training  the 
power  of  observation  in  the  bracing  discipline  of  science, 
developing  reason  and  judgment  through  social  and  his- 
torical investigation,  and  using  literary  studies  for  the 
nourishment  of  the  critical  and  constructive  faculties, 
Indian  education  has  been  made  up  mainly  of  learning 
by  rote  parts  of  an  alien  literature  and  half-understood 
summaries  and  abstracts.  On  account  of  the  utilitarian 
character  of  the  system,  there  has  not  even  been  an  ade- 
quate or  fruitful  study  of  the  classical  and  vernacular 
literature  of  India  itself. 

In  brief,  the  net  result  achieved  thus  far,  while  the 
above  methods  were  in  use,  has  been  to  exaggerate  certain 
native  defects  of  the  Indian  intellect.  Through  pursuing 
dialectic  and  literary  studies  for  ages,  the  Indian  mind 
' has  become  remarkably  subtle,  but  also  unused  to  direct 
observation,  untrained  in  independent  judgment,  fond 
of  wordy  discussions,  volatile,  and  unpractical. 

But  it  is  not  only  the  mental  constitution  of  the  Indian 
people  which  has  suffered  through  this  superficial  method 
of  education.  The  development  of  character  itself  has 
been  affected,  as  young  men  have  not  received,  together 


74 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


with  their  intellectual  discipline,  the  needful  training  of 
their  moral  nature;  the  education  they  received  has  been 
disconnected  from  the  ethical  impulses  native  and  natu- 
ral to  the  Indian  mind,  and  has  not  provided  the  youth 
of  India  with  definite  moral  aims.  Thus  by  one  of  those 
strange  paradoxes  of  which  history  is  so  fond,  this  sys- 
tem, introduced  to  liberate  the  Indian  mind  from  the 
superstitions  of  a backward  learning,  has  had  the  result 
of  enslaving  rather  than  setting  free,  of  weakening  rather 
than  building  up,  the  intellectual  forces  of  India.  At 
present  its  defenders  and  friends  are  few,  but  the  effects 
produced  will  not  soon  be  obliterated,  though  coming 
generations  be  better  trained. 

Looking  now  at  the  present  situation  of  Indian  intellec- 
tual life,  without  further  emphasis  upon  the  harm  directly 
caused  by  an  unfortunate  system,  we  note  as  one  of  its 
most  striking,  yet  natural,  indirect  results,  an  unusual 
dissociation  of  the  educated  from  the  masses  of  the 
people.  The  educated  world  is  of  course  everywhere  in 
danger  of  losing  its  contact  with  the  broader  currents  of 
human  life  and  experience ; but  in  India,  where  the  learned 
class  has  been  reared  upon  an  alien  culture,  this  detach- 
ment is  especially  noticeable.  The  intellectual  leaders 
are  not  fully  understood  by  their  own  people;  in  other 
words,  those  whose  intellectual  powers  entitle  them  to 
leadership  have  received  from  their  education  little  as- 
sistance toward  making  such  leadership  effective.  The 
intimate  ideas,  images,  and  notions  that  appeal  to  the 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


75 


Indian  masses  are  derived  from  the  Vedas,  the  Puranas, 
Kalidasa,  not  from  Burke,  Hume,  and  J.  S.  Mill.  The 
subject-matter  of  Indian  education  is  alien,  and  not  of 
such  a nature  as  to  give  the  minds  trained  in  it  that 
acknowledged  and  almost  irresistible  power,  born  of  a 
mastery  of  the  cultural  environment,  which  a thoroughly 
adequate  training  would  bestow.  An  Indian  orator, 
who  wishes  to  appeal  to  the  masses,  must  unlearn  his 
alien  ideas  and  steep  himself  again  in  the  native  lore. 
We  know  the  high  motives  which  led  to  the  establish- 
ment of  Western  learning  in  India;  yet  if  a follower  of 
Machiavellian  statecraft  had  created  the  Indian  Govern- 
ment, he  could  not  have  devised  a shrewder  means  of 
sterilizing  natural  leadership  than  by  making  intellectual 
culture  alien  and  literary. 

It  may  here  be  noted  that  the  actual  influence  of  the 
educated  natives  has  often  been  overestimated  by  the 
European  observer.  Their  command  of  the  English  lan- 
guage enables  them  to  make  themselves  heard  in  the 
world.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  their  alien  training  pre- 
vents them  from  being  always  the  effective  interpreters 
of  what  the  three  hundred  millions  of  the  Indian  masses 
feel.  It  is  this  fact  which  makes  it  so  difficult  for  an  out- 
sider to  form  an  accurate  j udgment  on  Indian  political  con- 
ditions. He  may  listen  to  the  sober  and  optimistic  reports 
of  the  Government,  or  to  the  contemptuous  prejudices  of 
the  resident  commercial  Europeans  and  their  press,  or  to 
the  strident  manifestos  and  denunciations  of  the  educated 


76 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


natives.  Yet,  how  is  he  to  form  a correct  view  of  the 
needs  and  feelings  of  the  silent  millions  untouched  by 
European  culture,  patient  of  conquerors,  plodding  and 
poor,  but  apt  to  move  suddenly  with  the  massive  impact 
of  a landslide  or  the  tumultuous  sweep  of  a typhoon? 
During  the  last  few  years,  it  is  true,  a great  advance  has 
been  made  in  unifying  the  thoughts  and  sentiments  of  all 
classes  in  India,  and  in  making  the  leadership  of  the  in- 
tellectual and  educated  more  effective.  But  all  the  rela- 
tions of  public  and  social  life  in  India  still  suffer  from 
the  dualism  which  has  been  pointed  out. 

But  while  the  education  in  English  has  raised  a wall 
between  the  learned  and  the  masses,  it  has,  on  the  other 
hand,  exercised  a unifying  effect  by  giving  India  a com- 
mon language ; a language,  it  is  true,  which  is  used  as  their 
mother  tongue  by  less  than  one  thousandth  of  the  Indian 
population,  and  of  which  only  a slightly  larger  portion 
of  the  natives  have  a good  speaking  knowledge;  yet 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  India,  the  edu- 
cated classes  can  now  be  appealed  to  in  this  common 
vernacular.  There  has  grown  up  an  English  native  press, 
comprising  some  excellent,  and  numerous  indifferent, 
periodicals  and  journals:  and  more  than  a thousand 
books  are  annually  published  in  that  language  in  India. 
It  is  the  language  of  the  lecture  platform,  and  of  the 
learned  and  political  societies.  The  speeches  in  the  In- 
dian National  Congress,  in  the  general  educational  and 
social-reform  congresses,  are  delivered  not  in  Hindi  or 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


77 


Bengali  or  Tamil,  but  in  English.  That  the  growth  of  a 
feeling  of  national  unity  among  the  Indian  people  has 
been  helped  by  this  fact  goes  without  saying;  yet  the  in- 
fluence is  not  deep  nor  far-reaching  enough  to  afford  a 
basis  for  a true  national  regeneration;  for  that  purpose 
a native  vernacular  would  be  needed. 

There  is  no  likelihood  that  English  will  become  the 
language  of  the  masses  in  India,  or  of  any  very  consider- 
able portion  of  the  population.  Nevertheless  its  status 
as  a literary  language  of  the  educated  is  not  without  its 
importance.  For  one  thing,  it  keeps  these  classes  in 
touch  with  European  public  opinion,  and  wThile  it  arouses 
in  them  political  aspirations,  it  also  makes  them  feel 
wherein  their  own  culture  and  civilization  are  defective. 
Thus  it  is  the  native  leaders  of  opinion  who  are  most 
strenuous  in  their  advocacy  of  a reform  in  education,  in 
their  demand  for  scientific  training. 

English  is  the  language  of  conscious  reasoning,  of 
reflected  thought,  in  India.  Though  creative  literary 
expression  has  been  attempted  in  English  by  Indian 
writers,  they  have  achieved  only  a moderate  amount 
of  success.  They  have  not  come  within  measurable  dis- 
tance of  the  creation  of  a true  Anglo-Indian  literature, 
which  would  express  and  interpret  the  inner  movement 
of  Indian  life,  the  deeper  emotions  and  yearnings  of  the 
Indian  soul.  The  delightful  poems  of  Toru  Dutt,  Rama- 
krishna’s  Tales  of  Ind,  Romesh  C.  Dutt’s  Slave  Girl  of 
Agra,  and  the  English  verse  of  M.  Ghose,  who  competed 


78 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


with  Alfred  Austin  for  the  poet-la'ureateship,  are,  after 
all,  exotics.  It  is  but  natural  that  English  has  not  be- 
come the  language  of  the  heart  — of  fireside  tales  and 
love-songs;  still,  as  an  instrument  of  exposition,  argu- 
mentation, and  description,  it  is  being  employed  with 
great  aptitude  by  numerous  Indian  writers,  some  of 
whom  occasionally  attain  the  level  of  the  ablest  English 
expository  essayists. 

Though  the  critical  doorkeepers  of  even  the  better 
Indian  reviews  do  not  always  succeed  in  shutting  out 
articles  of  diffuse  content  and  apprentice-like  workman- 
ship, a faithful  reader  of  such  periodicals  as  the  Hindustan 
Review,  the  Indian  Magazine,  the  Indian  World,  the 
Modern  Review,  East  and  West,  will  again  and  again  be 
rewarded  by  some  article  of  admirable  clearness  or  true 
literary  charm.  This  frequent  mastery  of  a strong  and 
nervous  English  style,  which  exacts  an  unfailing  homage 
from  those  newly  acquainted  with  Indian  writing,  is  the 
one  redeeming  result  of  the  educational  system,  as  well  as 
a proof  of  the  adaptiveness  of  the  Indian  mind.  The 
style  of  some  of  these  writers  would  indeed  satisfy  the 
most  exacting  taste.  Their  diction  is  lucid  and  agreeable, 
their  suggestions  are  subtle,  their  grasp  of  general  ideas 
is  impressive,  their  information  wide  and  varied.  They, 
however,  often  lack  a sense  of  humor  and  a just  ap- 
preciation of  literary  values,  — which  occasionally  robs 
their  writings  of  effectiveness  to  us. 

For  the  more  luxuriant  growths  of  Indo-English  style 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


79 


one  has  to  go  to  the  newspapers.  Even  in  these  the 
writers  often  manifest  a surprising  mastery  of  English, 
but  it  is  here  that  the  babuism  flourishes,  — an  exotic 
English  phrasing  colored  by  Hindu  modes  of  thought 
and  expression.  Delicious  specimens  of  inverted  idiom 
abound;  we  are  remorselessly  dashed  from  the  heights  of 
sentiment  by  the  blow  of  a flat  anticlimax  or  again  made 
to  ascend  into  the  clouds  from  the  level  of  commonplace 
discussions;  strident  invective  is  found  side  by  side  with 
inflated  grandiloquence.1  Yet  withal,  the  discussion  of 
political,  cultural,  and  literary  matters  is  carried  on  in 
1 It  is  not  surprising  that  the  English  of  Indian  writers  should 
occasionally  have  quaint  or  comical  turns.  The  manner  in  which 
native  writers  are  most  apt  to  offend  is  in  a flattening-out  at  the 
ends  of  their  sentences,  as  when  an  obituary  notice  of  a prominent 
man  says  that  “His  death  has  made  this  part  of  the  world  dark, 
as  it  were.”  They  seem  to  be  especially  fond  of  such  gentle  phrases 
as  “a  pretty  pass”  or  “quite  a pity.”  Another  shading  occurs  in 
the  following : “ Mr.  Madan  Mohan  stands  like  Eiffel’s  Tower  when 
he  addresses  his  fellow  congressmen.  He  stands,  slanting  for- 
ward, admirably  preserving  his  centre  of  gravity.”  Again,  a writer 
will  pass  with  surprising  abruptness  from  an  account  of  very  ordin- 
ary affairs  to  outbursts  of  poetical  or  romantic  imagination,  as  in 
this  description  of  the  habits  of  Rash  Behasi  Ghose,  taken  from  a 
serious  bibliographical  essay:  “He  goes  to  bed  very  late,  and  pro- 
longs his  studies  to  the  small  hours  of  the  morning.  As  a necessary 
consequence,  he  is  seldom  up  before  nine,  and  he  has  never  witnessed 
one  of  the  most  glorious  scenes  of  nature:  the  mellow  sun  suffusing 
the  eastern  sky  and  the  crimson  rays  of  its  blood-red  orb  bursting 
forth  in  all  their  glory  at  early  dawn.”  Often,  in  his  desire  to  pro- 
duce a strong  impression,  the  writer  will  steal  from  Peter  to  pay 
Paul, as  in  the  following:  “The  speeches  of  Keshub  Chunder  Sen, 
Surendranath  Bannerjee,  and  Lalmohan  Ghose  . . . compared 
with  those  of  Sir  Ph.  M.  Mehta,  pale  into  insignificance  and  flatten 
down  to  the  tawdriest  of  affairs.” 


80 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


these  journals  effectively  and  upon  a high  plane.  Though 
this  press,  of  course,  speaks  to  the  educated  Hindu, 
rather  than  to  the  Indian  masses,  no  student  of  the  In- 
dian world  can  afford  to  neglect  it.  Among  the  best 
known  of  the  English  papers  edited  by  natives  of  India 
are  the  Nation,  moderate  in  its  views;  the  Indian  Mirror, 
originally  edited  by  Keshub  Chunder  Sen;  the  Bengali,  a 
large  and  well-written  metropolitan  newspaper;  and  the 
Amrita  Bazar  Patrika;  all  of  Calcutta.  The  latter  paper 
was  originally  published  in  the  Bengali  dialect;  but  when 
the  Vernacular  Press  Act  was  passed,  it  changed  its  lan- 
guage to  English  in  order  to  avoid  the  restrictions  im- 
posed by  that  law.  Other  papers  of  prominence  are  the 
Hindu  and  the  Indian  People,  of  Madras;  the  Tribune 
and  the  Panjabi,  published  in  the  Panjab.  A regular 
reader  of  such  a paper  will  be  supplied  with  abundant 
and  accurate  information  concerning  domestic  and  in- 
ternational politics  and  events  of  public  interest  the  world 
over;  he  will  be  able  to  follow  in  detail  the  discussions  in 
the  Indian  legislative  councils  and  in  such  gatherings  as 
the  National  Congress;  and  he  will  find  intelligent  and 
incisive  commentaries  upon  public  affairs.  Matters  of 
literary  and  intellectual  interest  are  given  special  atten- 
tion in  these  sheets.  The  Indian  press  described  above 
must  be  distinguished  from  those  papers  which  appeal 
especially  to  the  British  residents  in  India,  and  are  edited 
distinctly  from  their  point  of  view.1  It  is  not  surprising 
' 1 Leading  publications  of  this  class  are  the  Englishman  and  the 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


81 


that  these  two  sections  of  the  Indo-English  press  are 
quite  generally  engaged  in  bitter  recrimination;  and  it 
must  be  confessed  that  an  example  of  due  moderation  is 
not  always  given  by  the  British  section.1 

Journalism  in  the  vernacular  languages  of  India  has 
not,  as  yet,  been  raised  to  an  independent  and  dignified 
position.  The  Indian  reading  public  is  reached  more 
effectively  by  the  papers  written  in  English ; and  alto- 
gether it  is  small  compared  with  the  total  population. 
Consequently,  the  circulation  of  the  journals  written  in 
the  dialects  is  limited,  and  beggarly  salaries  are  paid  to 
editors  and  writers.  The  gross  annual  income  of  even  a 
good  monthly  will  usually  not  exceed  the  sum  once  paid 
to  Mr.  Gladstone  for  a single  article.  Journalism, 
therefore,  does  not  afford  a secure  livelihood,  and  news- 
paper writing  is  usually  pursued  as  an  avocation  by 
teachers  and  lawyers.  But  as  every  copy  that  is  printed 
is  read  by,  or  to,  many  besides  the  original  purchaser, 
the  vernacular  press  does  after  a fashion  reach  people. 
It  is,  therefore,  the  favorite  and  most  convenient  vehicle 
of  expression  to  those  who  are  carrying  on  political 
agitation.  These  men  are  not  always  particular  in  the 
allegations  which  they  make  against  the  Government; 

Statesman,  of  Calcutta;  the  Madras  Mail  and  the  Times  of  India; 
the  Civil  and  Military  Gazette,  of  the  Panjab;  the  Pioneer,  of  Alla- 
habad ; and  the  Bombay  Gazette. 

1 Thus,  recently,  the  Pioneer  wrote  about  “descending  into 
Bengal  with  fire  and  sword,  and  shooting  and  harrying  remorse- 
lessly; and  it  evoked  the  “tiger  qualities  of  the  imperial  race,” 
which  are  not  dead,  but  merely  sleep.” 


82 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


and  though  the  latter  looks  upon  freedom  of  the  press 
as  a safety-valve,  the  present  exacerbation  of  political 
unrest  has  again  brought  to  the  fore  the  demand  for  a 
more  rigorous  supervision  of  vernacular  newspapers.1 

The  chief  centres  from  which  the  intellectual  life  of 
India  radiates  are  the  three  great  presidency  towns  with 
their  universities  and  learned  societies,  to  which  must  be 
added  scholarly  Allahabad  and  lordly  Lahore;  Poona 
and  Benares,  the  noted  seats  of  Sanskrit  learning;  and 
the  Moslem  metropoles,  Delhi  and  Hyderabad.  Among 
learned  societies,  first  rank  is  taken  by  the  Asiatic  Society 
in  Bombay  and  Bengal,  in  the  work  of  which  native 
scholars  take  a large  and  increasing  part;  and  by  the 
Bengal  Academy  ( Sahitya  Parishad ).  The  latter  was 
founded  through  the  initiative  of  Romesh  C.  Dutt,  in 
1893;  it  has  given  much  encouragement  to  the  revival 
of  Bengali  literature,  and  its  six  hundred  members  in- 
clude the  leaders  in  the  intellectual  life  of  Bengal.  Lit- 
erary societies  abound  also  in  the  mofussil  towns  of 
India,  where  they  foster  the  flame  of  learning  or  at  least 
keep  alive  intellectual  activity  and  curiosity.  But  the 
most  prominent  platform  for  the  exercise  of  leadership  is 

1 Among  the  monthly  reviews  printed  in  the  Indian  languages 
there  are  some  publications  of  considerable  importance  to  the  stud- 
ent of  modern  India,  such  as  the  Bharati,  the  Sahitya,  the  Nabya 
Varat,  which  is  of  an  especially  high  literary  grade,  the  Salai-Am, 
and  the  Prabasi.  The  editor  of  the  latter  also  publishes  the  Modern 
Review,  and  it  is,  indeed,  very  common  for  modern  Hindus  to 
undertake  extensive  intellectual  and  literary  activities  in  several 
languages. 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


83 


afforded  by  the  National  Congress,  a body  composed  of 
delegates  from  all  parts  of  India,  which  meets  for  a short 
period  every  year  for  the  discussion  of  political  pro- 
blems. It  is  here  that  national  ideals  are  elaborated,  and 
that  leading  men,  by  the  force  of  their  personalities  or 
example,  mould  the  public  opinion  of  India.  Such  organ- 
izations as  the  Indian  Conference,  the  Indian  Social 
Conference,  and  the  Mohammedan  Educational  Con- 
ference also  afford  abundant  opportunity  for  the  ex- 
change of  views  among  educated  men  of  India. 1 At  these 
meetings  the  leaders  of  native  opinion  attempt  to  arrive 
at  a programme  of  concerted  action  and  to  work  out 
clear  conceptions  of  what  is  desirable  and  of  what  may 
be  achieved.  Frequently  their  efforts,  however,  resolve 
themselves  in  oratorical  appeals  directed  against  the 
proud  parapets  of  British  overlordship. 

The  means  of  expression  at  the  command  of  the  In- 
dian educated  world  are  peculiar,  in  that  they  consist  of 
a foreign  language  in  which  higher  education  is  carried 
on,  and  in  vernaculars  which  have  but  a short  and  meagre 
literary  history.  The  older  languages  in  which  the  treas- 

1 The  variety  of  the  intellectual  interests  of  India  is  illustrated 
by  the  following  list  of  congresses  held  in  1910  in  Allahabad  and 
Nagpur:  The  Indian  National  Congress,  the  Indian  Industrial 
Conference,  the  Indian  Social  Conference,  the  Temperance  Con- 
ference, the  Industrial  and  Agricultural  Exhibition,  the  Common 
Script  Conference,  the  All-India  Moslem  League,  the  Mohamme- 
dan Educational  Conference,  the  Convention  of  Religions,  the 
Theistic  Conference,  the  Indian  Ladies’  Conference,  the  Kshatrya 
Conference,  and  the  Hindu-Moslem  Conference. 


84 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


ures  of  Indian  thought  and  expression  repose,  are  still 
widely  studied,  and  even  employed  as  a medium  for  writ- 
ing. Every  year  over  five  hundred  Sanskrit  books  are 
published  in  India.  Yet,  however  valuable  as  a language 
of  classical  scholarship,  Sanskrit  cannot  be  revived  as  a 
vernacular  and  adapted  to  the  present  literary  needs  of 
India. 

History  seems  to  point  to  Hindustani  as  the  coming 
language  of  India,  if,  indeed,  a common  vernacular  is 
finally  to  be  adopted.  This  language  is  among  the  most 
lavishly  endowed  in  existence.  As  English  rests  upon  the 
solid  substructure  of  a sturdy  Saxon  speech,  and  has 
been  enriched  through  Norman  French  with  the  treas- 
ures of  the  Latin  language,  so  Hindustani  is  an  idiom 
based  upon  Hindi,  the  popular  tongue  of  Upper  India, 
a vernacular  derived  from  Sanskrit,  to  which  has  been 
added  the  wealth  of  Persian  and  Arabic  diction.  Both 
Hindi,  in  which  the  Sanskrit  element  predominates,  and 
Urdu,  rich  in  Persian  ingredients,  have  a noteworthy 
literature;  they  tend  to  converge  in  modern  Hindustani,1 
in  which  all  this  rich  inheritance  of  speech  — such  is  the 
hope  of  the  lovers  of  this  language  — is  to  be  preserved 
in  a tongue  subtle  and  strong,  direct,  delicate,  and  ex- 
pressive, capable  of  supplying  the  literary  needs  of  a 

1 The  terms  Urdu  and  Hindustani  are  often  used  interchange- 
ably; Hindustani  is  a dialect  of  Western  Hindi,  to  which  a Per- 
sian and  Arabic  vocabulary  has  been  added;  thus  it  is  known 
as  Urdu.  Originating  in  the  region  around  Delhi,  it  became  tho 
camp  language  used  throughout  India  under  the  Mohummedans. 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


85 


great  nation.  A society  has  recently  been  formed  at 
Benares  ( Nagri-Pracharini  Sabha ) for  the  purpose  of 
fostering  the  historic  study  of  Hindi,  and  of  bringing  to 
light  earlier  manuscripts  of  literary  value. 

The  conscious  effort  to  develop  the  literary  possibil- 
ities of  the  vernacular  languages  is  of  recent  origin.  It  is 
to  a large  extent  due  to  the  quickening  of  the  Indian 
intelligence  which  followed  upon  the  first  contact  with 
Western  reform  ideas  in  the  earlier  half  of  the  past  cen- 
tury. Of  this  movement  the  Brahmo-Somaj  was  the 
centre.  The  men  whose  mental  horizon  had  been  wid- 
ened by  the  new  ideas,  sought  for  a medium  to  com- 
municate the  thought  that  was  burning  within  them  to 
larger  circles  of  their  fellow  men.  The  vernaculars  — 
thus  far  used  chiefly  for  oral  communication  — had 
been  employed  to  a certain  extent  in  poetic  expression, 
but  not  in  serious  discussion  in  written  prose.  Rammo- 
hun  Roy,  while  acting  as  an  advocate  of  Western 
learning  and  institutions,  at  the  same  time  did  pioneer 
sendee  in  making  of  Bengali  a literary  language.  He 
took  the  initiative  in  creating  a vernacular  press  in 
India.  The  impulse  given  by  him  was  quickened  by  the 
great  scholars  Ishwar  Ch.  Vidyasagar  and  A.  K.  Dutt, 
wrho  are  generally  considered  as  the  real  founders  of 
Bengali  prose. 

Modem  vernacular  literature  thus  bears  a strong 
imprint  of  Western,  especially  English,  models  and 
ideas;  it  is  a reflex  result  of  English  education.  The 


86 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


dialects  of  Bengali,  Marathi,  Gujarati,  Urdu,  and  Hindi, 
have  especially  shared  in  this  development.  The  best 
known  novelist  of  modern  India,  Bankim  Chandra 
Chatterji,  as  well  as  the  poet  Rabindranath  Tagore,  and 
the  dramatist  Dinabandhu,  used  Bengali;  Tulsi  Das, 
whose  works  have  passed  through  hundreds  of  editions, 
wrote  in  Hindi;  while  the  Urdu  side  of  Hindustani 
boasts  as  leaders  of  its  literary  expression  writers  like 
Mir  Taqi  andGhalib,  and  the  court  poets  Munshi  Ameer 
Ahmed  Ameer  and  Nawab  Mirza  Khan  Dagh,  in  whom 
lived  the  traditions  of  Persian  song.  Dinabandhu’s 
tragedy,  Nil  Darpan,  a counterpiece  to  Dekker’s  Javan 
story,  Max  Havelaar,  is  strongly  influenced  by  Western 
literary  forms,  though  its  subject-matter  is  Indian  — 
the  woes  and  sufferings  of  peasant  existence.  The 
romances  of  Bankim  were  inspired  by  Sir  Walter  Scott, 
though  the  materials  from  which  they  are  wrought  are 
Indian  thought,  tradition,  and  social  convention.  Such 
books  as  Durgesh  Nandini,  Kapdla  Kundald,  Chandra 
Shekar,  and  The  Poison  Tree,  afford  an  interesting  sur- 
vey of  Indian  life,  traditions,  and  social  ideals.  From 
the  point  of  view  of  art,  their  style  is  so  simple  and  their 
thought  so  naive  as  to  give  them  an  almost  archaic 
flavor. 

It  is  quite  noteworthy  that  the  awakening  of  Indian 
nationalism  has  been  accompanied  by  a development  of 
the  drama.  The  desire  for  a more  active  life,  for  a more 
positive  and  energetic  temper,  has  expressed  itself  in  a 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


87 


drama  that,  while  still  incomplete  and  halting  in  tech- 
nique, is  yet  alive  with  new  ideals.  Thus  the  stage  bids 
fair  to  play  an  important  part  in  the  working-out  of 
those  motives  and  forms  of  thought  which  go  to  make 
up  the  new  Indian  life.  Rabindranath  Tagore,  the  Ben- 
gali poet,  has  tried  his  hand  also  as  a dramatist,  produc- 
ing Raja  o Rani  and  Garai  Galad;  other  Bengali  writers 
have  even  more  extensively  sought  literary  expression 
in  dramatic  form.  Thus,  Girish  Chandra  Ghose  has 
produced  numerous  dramas,  among  them  Nala  Dama- 
anti  and  Buddha  Dele,  while  Amritalal  Bose  follows 
closely  behind  with  his  Adarska  Bandhu  (Ideal  Friend) 
and  Bejoy  Basanta.  Ghose  was  a disciple  of  Rama- 
krishna;  the  master,  recognizing  the  literary  gifts  of  his 
young  follower,  would  not  allow  him  to  renounce  the 
world,  but  bade  him  use  his  gifts  for  the  delight  and 
improvement  of  his  country.  In  other  dialects,  too, 
there  has  been  a dramatic  revival.  In  Gujarati,  Dahyab- 
hai  Dhal  Sha  produced  a number  of  plays  which  gave 
new  standing  to  the  drama  in  this  language;  the  author 
exercised  a great  influence  upon  public  opinion  in  favor 
of  social  reforms,  which  he  makes  appear,  not  only 
desirable,  but  necessary.  Marathi  drama  was  revolu- 
tionized by  Kirlosker,  who  infused  a spirit  of  healthy 
action  into  the  dramas  of  Maharastra. 

Ban  kirn’s  books,  Ananda  Math  and  Devi  Chau  Dhu- 
rani,  have  become  factors  in  the  present  unrest  in  India. 
The  former,  the  story  of  a conspiracy  to  drive  out  the 


88 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


early  English  conquerors,  contains  the  original  of  the 
national  hymn,  Bande  Mataram.  The  romantic  view 
of  Indian  history  contained  in  these  books  has  had  a 
powerful  influence  in  arousing  the  national  spirit  of 
India.  The  relation  is  not  unlike  that  of  early  nineteenth- 
century  romanticism  to  the  development  of  German 
national  life.  So  strong  are  the  feelings  that  have  been 
stirred  up  by  these  books  that  the  Government  has  been 
on  the  verge  of  forbidding  their  further  publication  as 
seditious,  though  they  were  written  forty  years  ago. 
Most  recently,  the  production  of  Nil  Darpan  has  actu- 
ally been  interdicted.  No  more  effective  means  of  arous- 
ing Indian  patriotism  could  be  imagined  than  such 
official  embargoes  on  cherished  works  of  literature. 

Among  the  activities  which  radiate  from  the  centres 
of  Indian  intellectual  life,  scientific  research  is  the  most 
slender  and  fitful.  The  apparatus  of  scientific  scholar- 
ship is  almost  entirely  lacking.  The  present  resources 
of  India  are  so  poor  that  it  has  not  been  possible  to 
establish  well-furnished  laboratories  or  even  libraries. 
There  is  scarcely  a high  school  in  the  larger  cities  of  the 
United  States  which  has  not  a better  scientific  equip- 
ment than  can  be  found  at  any  Indian  institution  of 
learning,  with  one  or  two  exceptions.  In  all  Bengal  there 
are  only  two  or  three  professors  who  have  been  encour- 
aged and  placed  in  a position  to  do  research-work. 
While  in  Japan  many  hundreds  of  students  engage  in 
advanced  research,  Bengal  cannot  muster  more  than 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


89 


a score.  Recently  a wealthy  Parsee,  Mr.  Tata,  following 
in  the  footsteps  of  our  own  Carnegie,  gave  some  million 
rupees  for  the  foundation  of  a scientific  institute  in 
Bombay.  On  a smaller  scale,  a number  of  technical 
schools  and  scientific  institutes  have  been  founded, 
among  them  the  memorial  to  Sir  Amar  Singh,  estab- 
lished last  year  by  his  brother  the  Maharajah  of  Kash- 
mir, at  Srinagar.  Thus  what  formerly  would  have  been 
the  occasion  for  the  erection  of  some  merely  ostenta- 
tious monument,  is  now  transformed  into  an  aid  toward 
higher  national  efficiency.  The  Society  for  the  Advance- 
ment of  Scientific  and  Industrial  Education  of  Indians 
has  been  founded  for  the  purpose  of  supplying  the 
deficiencies  in  the  older  method  of  education.  Its  efforts 
up  to  the  present  have  been  directed  chiefly  to  making 
it  possible  for  promising  students  to  go  to  Europe, 
America,  and  Japan  in  order  to  acquire  a scientific  or 
industrial  education.  Thus  from  various  sources  exer- 
tions are  made  to  supply  India  with  those  elements  of 
intellectual  life  which,  up  to  the  present,  have  been  too 
inadequately  developed.  The  matter  of  technical  edu- 
cation has  frequently  been  brought  up  of  late  in  the 
Legislative  Council  of  the  Indian  Empire.  The  native 
members  of  this  body  bring  forward  the  subject  and 
introduce  resolutions  calling  upon  the  Government  to 
establish  polytechnical  colleges  in  India.  They  charge 
the  Government  with  expending  the  revenues  of  India 
for  military  purposes,  while  leaving  the  industrial 


90 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


education  of  the  people  uncared  for.  The  Government 
will  then  point  to  the  beginnings  which  have  been  made 
in  many  provinces  in  giving  systematic  instruction  in 
industrial  work,  engineering,  and  mining.  The  official 
members  take  the  position  that,  on  account  of  the 
limited  resources  of  India,  only  slow  progress  can  be 
made  in  this  direction.  In  the  end,  the  resolution  is 
voted  down  against  a minority  of  almost  all  the  native 
members. 

Native  educational  reformers  in  general  are  fully 
alive  to  the  need  of  India  for  scientific  research  and 
training.  Thus  the  Mohammedan  college  at  Aligarh 
(Koil)  combines  a thorough  scientific  education  with 
the  study  of  the  Islamite  culture.  Projects  which  have 
from  time  to  time  been  made  for  the  creation  of  a na- 
tional Hindu  university,  in  every  case  include  provisions 
for  advanced  courses  in  the  natural  sciences.  The  Gov- 
ernment, too,  is  beginning  to  give  heed  to  these  demands. 
It  has  established  a few  research  scholarships,  and  seems 
inclined  to  give  a more  scientific  turn  to  education.  Yet 
many  Anglo-Indians  harbor  a strong  sentiment  against 
letting  the  natives  share  in  the  scientific  command  over 
the  forces  of  nature.1  Thus  the  principal  achievement  of 

1 A striking  example  of  such  dogged  illiberality  is  found  in  the 
memorandum  of  a former  Surveyor-General  of  India,  in  which  he 
says:  “It  is  suicidal  for  Europeans  to  admit  that  natives  can  do 
anything  better  than  themselves.  ...  In  my  own  surveying- 
parties  I never  permitted  a native  to  touch  a theodolite  or  make 
an  original  computation,  on  the  principle  that  the  triangulation 
or  scientific  work  was  the  prerogative  of  the  highly  paid  European.” 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


91 


Western  civilization,  the  mastery  over  nature,  the  very 
thing  which  the  natives  would  most  readily  acknowledge 
as  superior  and  strive  to  emulate,  is  not  adequately  im- 
parted to  them.  A government  which  annually  spends 
about  one  thousand  millions  of  rupees  has  found  itself 
too  poor  to  expend  anything  for  scientific  education. 
To  such  strange  use  has  the  rationalistic  liberalism  of 
Bentham  and  Mill  been  put  in  India. 

While  it  is  the  genius  of  India  to  be  imaginative  and 
philosophical,  the  Hindus  are  by  no  means  lacking  in 
capacity  for  accurate  scientific  work.  That  they  are 
thus  gifted  has  been  abundantly  proven  by  the  achieve- 
ments of  such  men  as  the  renowned  physicist,  Doctor 
J.  C.  Bose,  who  is  by  many  considered  to  be  the  first 
inventor  of  wireless  telegraphy;  and  of  P.  C.  Roy  and 
Gazzar,  both  noted  chemists.  The  latter  possesses  one 
of  the  best  equipped  private  laboratories  in  chemistry, 
which  he  has  allowed  the  University  of  Bombay  to  use 
in  the  teaching  of  advanced  courses.  Indians  have  often 
carried  off  the  highest  honors  in  the  English  universities. 
R.  P.  Paranjape  was  senior  wrangler  in  mathematics  at 
Cambridge;  D.  N.  Mullick  won  a similar  distinction, 
while  H.  N.  De  carried  off  first  honors  in  classics  at 
Oxford.  The  latter  is  the  Mezzofanti  of  India,  enjoy- 
ing the  mastery  of  twenty  different  languages.  Paran- 
jape is  now  president  of  Ferguson  College,  where  he 
gives  his  services  for  seventy-five  rupees  a month  in 
order  to  help  Indian  education.  Unselfish  action  of  this 


92 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


kind  among  men  of  the  very  highest  intellectual  ability 
is  not  uncommon  in  India;  as  an  offset  to  her  many  woes 
she  may  count  the  unusual  devotion  of  the  ablest  among 
her  sons.  But  while  scientific  capacity  is  undoubtedly 
present  among  the  Indians,  favorable  conditions  for  its 
development  have  not  yet  been  created.  Moreover,  all 
the  past  training  of  Indian  thinkers  is  calculated  to  make 
them  averse  to  narrower  specialization.  One  man  now 
living  has  attempted  the  mastery  of  Sanskrit  literature, 
geology,  mathematics,  astrology,  and  other  branches 
more.  The  self-limitation  which  is  necessary  for  the 
soundest  scientific  training,  Indian  scholars  do  not  seem 
ready  to  impose  upon  themselves.  A great  deal  of 
national  and  individual  self-discipline  will  have  to  be 
exerted  before  India  can  hope  to  win  a prominent  place 
in  scientific  thought. 

The  scientific  investigation  of  historic  facts,  so  closely 
allied  to  the  method  of  the  natural  sciences,  has  also 
received  little  encouragement  in  India.  The  Oriental 
mind  is  not  predisposed  to  historic  studies.  True,  the 
past  appears  all-important,  but  it  is  a static  past,  the 
age  of  some  great  reformer  or  religious  leader,  the  past 
as  enshrined  in  the  sacred  books.  Or  again,  it  is  the  past 
as  idealized  in  the  romantic  fiction  of  a Bankim.  As  a 
development  of  which  the  present  is  the  natural  out- 
come, and  through  which  alone  it  can  be  understood, 
history  has  lacked  votaries  in  the  East,  although  the 
evolutionary  conception  is  clearly  enough  contained  in 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


93 


Buddhist  thought.  Historic  consciousness  is  one  of  the 
most  striking  characteristics  of  Western  civilization, 
more  especially  of  Western  nationalism. 

Among  Oriental  peoples,  it  is  Japan  alone,  with  its 
nationalistic  spirit,  that  has  anything  approaching  the 
Western  historical  conception.  Moreover,  special  diffi- 
culties and  discouragements  confront  the  student  of 
Indian  history.  The  documentary  records  are  unreliable 
and  fragmentary.  The  continuous  series  of  chron- 
icles, charters,  and  law-books,  which  give  a solid  foun- 
dation to  Western  historic  scholarship,  as  well  as  the 
cultural  background  provided  by  the  Greek  and  Roman 
historians,  are  lacking  in  India.  A satisfactory  tracing 
in  detail  of  the  movements  of  Indian  history  is  thus 
rendered  almost  impossible.  There  is  a great  uncertainty 
about  dates  and  localities,  and,  although  antiquarian 
details  may  be  agreeable  to  some  minds,  there  is  no 
powerful  fascination  in  investigations  and  controversies 
confined  to  such  matters,  with  only  a remote  chance  of 
satisfactory  determination. 

The  deep  interest  of  the  more  recent  development  of 
India  has  indeed  inspired  the  labors  of  such  men  as 
Romesh  C.  Dutt  ( Economic  History  of  India),  and 
Pramatha  N.  Bose  ( Hindu  Civilization  during  British 
Rule);  moreover,  with  the  awakening  of  a sense  of 
Indian  nationality,  historic  research  is  being  enlivened 
and  roused  to  greater  effort.  Special  periods  and  regions 
are  being  made  the  subject  of  scientific  historical  inves- 


94 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


tigation.  Thus  the  period  of  the  Mohammedan  Empire 
has  been  dealt  with  by  Jadanath  Sarcar,  and  Raj  wade 
has  conducted  deep  researches  in  Maratha  history. 
Dinesh  Chandra  Sen  has  furnished  a good  account  of 
Bengali  literature.  In  all  this  little  enough  encourage- 
ment has  come  from  the  schools.  History  is  taught  in 
a cut-and-dried  fashion,  from  outlines  and  manuals 
which  are  mechanically  memorized,  though  only  half- 
understood.  In  some  of  the  universities  it  is  even  pos- 
sible to  take  honors  in  historic  studies  without  having 
received  any  university  training  in  Indian  history  at  all. 

One  of  the  most  notable  signs  of  the  influence  of  West- 
ern modes  of  thought  in  India  is  the  preeminence  which 
many  Hindu  thinkers  and  historic  students  give  to  eco- 
nomic data.  Not  only  do  they  recognize  the  basic  im- 
portance of  economic  factors  in  social  development, 
but  they  also  see  in  an  understanding  of  economic  laws 
the  key  to  a better  counseling  in  the  affairs  of  their  own 
country.  R.  C.  Dutt  and  P.  N.  Bose,  the  historians 
already  cited,  have  given  serious  attention  to  the  suc- 
cessive economic  transformations  of  India.  A mind 
which  busied  itself  especially  with  economic  and  social 
conditions  was  that  of  Mahadeo  S.  Ranade,  a justice  of 
the  Bombay  High  Court,  who  died  in  1904.  Deep  and 
comprehensive  study  had  assured  him  a clear  grasp  of  the 
various  fields  of  social  and  economic  activity,  through 
which  he  was  enabled  to  deal  effectively  with  Indian 
economic  problems.  Another  contemporary  writer  who 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


95 


owes  his  distinction  primarily  to  economic  studies  is 
Mr.  Subramania  Iyer,  of  Madras. 

Critical  students  of  economics  might  find  fault  with 
the  writings  of  the  Indian  economists  as  being  colored 
by  a poignant  sense  of  the  unfavorable  position  into 
which  India  has  been  brought  through  British  domin- 
ance. The  question  whether  or  not  India  is  to-day 
poorer  than  under  the  Mongols  will  generally  be  ap- 
proached with  a certain  tinge  of  bitterness  against  the 
English,  with  a desire  to  hold  the  latter  responsible  for 
some  things  which  have  been  inevitable.  As  the  British 
raj  is  justified  by  its  defenders  chiefly  on  account  of  the 
economic  benefits  conveyed  through  it  to  the  Indian 
population, e.g.,  through  irrigation,  railways,  and  other 
public  works;  the  discussion  of  economic  history  itself 
is  always  prone,  in  India,  to  assume  a political  coloring. 
It  is  in  this  field  where  data  are  so  confused  and  incom- 
plete, where  chains  of  remote  causation  have  to  be  dealt 
with,  that  there  is  especial  need  of  the  careful,  broad- 
based  inductions  of  a purely  scientific  method.  Some  of 
the  government  universities  have  recently  incorporated, 
as  a separate  subject  for  study  and  examination,  “The 
Progress  of  India  under  British  Rule.”  Since  the  avowed 
purpose  of  such  a course  is  to  counteract  native  discon- 
tent, and  its  very  title  embodies  a conclusion,  we  can 
hardly  look  to  it  for  any  special  value  in  training  the 
native  mind  to  an  accurate  observation  and  analysis  of 
economic  life. 


96 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


More  has  been  accomplished  on  the  side  of  literary 
history  and  criticism.  The  most  original  and  power- 
ful of  Indian  scholars,  Iswar  Chandra  Vidyasagar  and 
Rajendra  Lai  Mitra,  gave  their  chief  attention  to  such 
studies.  These  men  exemplify  in  their  intellectual  life 
the  best  results  of  the  contact  between  East  and  West. 
With  their  intelligence  quickened  and  their  mind  enriched 
by  Western  learning,  they  remained  true  to  their  native 
culture,  which  they  studied  from  a new  point  of  view. 
The  name,  Vidyasagar,  — Ocean  of  Learning,  a nom  de 
guerre,  or  might  we  say  nom  de  savoir,  like  the  titles  be- 
stowed on  great  mediaeval  teachers,  — was  conferred  on 
its  holder  by  his  alma  mater.  With  a head  resembling 
that  of  Esopus  as  pictured  by  the  Greek  sculptor,  this 
Indian  scholar,  versed  in  all  the  classic  lore  of  his  country, 
was  no  less  deeply  interested  in  the  broad  currents  of 
humanity  than  was  the  Greek  fabulist,  nor  was  he 
entirely  without  the  other’s  sense  of  humor.  He  found 
time  to  become  a leader  in  social-reform  movements 
and  to  do  for  the  Bengali  dialect  what  Luther  had  done 
for  his  Saxon  tongue.  Rajendra  Lai  Mitra,  a man  of 
superb  bearing,  a sinewy  and  erect  body  crowned  with  a 
leonine  head,  a man  moreover  of  proud,  unbending 
spirit,  was  perhaps  the  greatest  Indian  scholar  and  critic 
of  the  nineteenth  century,  — from  our  point  of  view  at 
least. 

The  preeminence  of  Sanskrit  and  Pali  historical  in- 
vestigation seems  to  be  returning  from  Europe  to  India 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


97 


herself.  Benares  and  Poona  are  the  centres  of  this  schol- 
arship, and  among  its  principal  representatives  in  recent 
years  are  Bhandarkar,  Yattabhuson,  the  Aptes  of  Bom- 
bay, Shanker  Pandurang,  Satis  Chandra,  Haroprasad 
Sastri,  Ganganatha  Jha,  and  Rao  Bahadur  C.  V. 
Vaidya.  B.  G.  Tilak,  a man  of  the  widest  interests,  a 
scholar  and  political  agitator,  has  also  produced  some 
interesting  studies  on  Sanskrit  literature.  He  has  just 
written  a book,  the  Gita  Rahasya,  in  which  he  deals  with 
the  Hindu  philosophy  of  active  life,  and  compares  it  in 
detail  with  Western  transcendentalism,  especially  with 
the  thought  of  Kant.  Yattabhuson  also  has  been  at- 
tracted by  the  comparative  method  and  has  given  us  a 
study  of  Vedanta  in  its  relation  to  modern  thought. 
Text  criticism,  translations,  commentaries,  and  lexico- 
graphic works  are  now  being  produced  in  large  quan- 
tities and  with  great  success  by  scholars,  who  are  as- 
sisted by  the  efforts  of  the  Asiatic  Societies  of  Calcutta 
and  Bombay  and  other  learned  bodies.  Scientific  work 
in  connection  with  the  vernaculars  is  also  being  pur- 
sued by  many  native  scholars.  Thus,  at  the  instance  of 
the  Bengal  Academy,  there  has  just  been  produced  a 
code  of  rules  for  the  transliteration  of  Arabic  and 
Persian  words  into  Bengali.  Buddhist  learning  has  its 
principal  centre  in  Rangoon,  where  a group  of  eminent 
writers  ably  represent  the  latest  tendencies  in  Buddhist 
thought,  writing  both  in  the  classic  languages  and  in 
English. 


98 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Among  the  intellectual  leaders  of  New  India  none 
have  attracted  more  attention  with  us  in  the  West  than 
the  religious  and  social  reformers.  Not  only  are  the 
expressions  of  religious  sentiment  in  the  Orient  in  them- 
selves deeply  significant  to  us,  but  in  this  case  our  in- 
terest has  been  intensified  because  we  have  believed  that 
we  were  witnessing  an  essential  modification  of  Oriental 
thought  consequent  upon  the  contact  with  Western 
Christianity.  That  the  Brahmo-Somaj  movement  was 
actually  inspired  by,  and  received  its  guiding  impulse 
from,  contact  with  the  scientific  West,  is  of  course  ev- 
ident; but  it  is  a more  doubtful  question  how  far  the 
monotheism  of  Christianity  exerted  a distinctive  and 
definite  influence,  although  the  Indian  rationalist  move- 
ment is  full  of  assonances  to  Christian  thought  in  its 
Unitarian  form.  The  three  sects  into  which  the  Brahmo- 
Somaj  is  now  divided,  together  have  less  than  five  thous- 
and members.  They  are  indeed  congregations  of  highly 
intellectual  and  spirituel  people,  to  be  compared  with 
bodies  like  the  old  Positivist  Society  of  London.  But 
the  movement  has  nothing  of  the  passionate  sweep  of  a 
religious  reformation.  Though  its  ideas  have  exerted  a 
great  influence  upon  the  thoughtful  men  of  India,  yet 
on  the  vast  surface  of  the  sea  of  the  Indian  masses  they 
have  produced  but  a slight  ripple.  Their  real  import- 
ance must  be  sought  in  a powerful  liberalizing  impetus 
given  to  Indian  thought. 

Many  religious  minds  in  India  seem  to  find  the  ration- 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


99 


alist  movement  of  the  Brahmo  lacking  in  spiritual  con- 
tent. It  would  be  more  correct  to  say  that  the  intel- 
lectual or  critical  element  has  been  over-emphasized. 
The  leaders  of  the  movement  were  certainly  full  of  the 
spirit  of  devotion,  but  their  eclectic  method  in  dealing 
with  the  foundations  of  belief  deprived  their  system  of 
that  inner  strength,  mixed  with  dross  and  weakness 
though  it  be,  which  can  be  found  only  in  a more  spontan- 
eous religious  growth.  They  neglected  the  subcon- 
scious forces  of  human  psychology.  Yet  they  were  truly 
representative  of  the  intellectual  temper  of  the  educated 
classes  of  India,  which  is  thoroughly  rationalistic.  This, 
however,  is  but  another  aspect  of  the  disassociation  from 
the  feelings  and  impulses  of  the  masses  which  we  have 
already  noted.  Yet,  when  all  these  reservations  have 
been  made,  and  notwithstanding  the  small  number  of 
actual  devotees,  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  movement 
of  the  Brahmo  has  exercised  a deep  and  an  abiding  influ- 
ence on  Indian  civilization.  It  has  aroused  spiritual  life, 
and  has  made  men  aware  of  the  opportunities  for  higher 
development  which  the  modern  world  holds.  Its  influ- 
ence in  reviving  the  vitality  of  Bengali  literature  and  of 
Sanskrit  study  must  also  not  be  overlooked.  Brahmoism 
accepts  the  personality  of  Christ  as  a guiding  force  in 
life,  but  it  is  far  from  accepting  the  Christian  dogma  in 
its  completeness.  Thus  it  had  an  influence  in  stopping 
the  spreading  of  dogmatic  Christianity  among  the  edu- 
cated classes  of  India,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  its  own 


100  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


expansion  was  impeded  by  the  foreign  elements  which 
it  had  taken  up  into  its  thought. 

The  three  sects  into  which  the  Brahmo  Somaj  is 
divided  might  be  called  the  conservative,  the  radical, 
and  the  moderate.  The  Adi  Somaj  is  the  most  orthodox 
faction.  In  it  the  caste  instinct  is  to  some  extent  pre- 
served, and  among  its  members  the  Brahmans  keep  the 
sacred  traditions.  The  principal  leader  of  this  wing  was 
Maharsi  Debendranath  Tagore,  the  father  of  the  noted 
Bengali  writer.  The  most  liberal  sect  is  the  Sadharan 
Somaj,  which  seeks  truth  wherever  it  may  be  found, 
and  at  its  services  reads  from  all  the  bibles  of  the  world, 
including  in  that  term  the  works  of  great  thinkers  like 
Kant  and  Emerson.  Its  present  leader,  Sivanath  Shas- 
tri,  is  a noted  Sanskrit  scholar.  The  Nava  Bidhan,  or 
new  dispensation,  was  founded  by  Keshup  Chandra 
Sen,  who  is  still  idolized  by  the  members  of  this  sect. 
His  action  in  allowing  his  daughter  to  be  married  as  a 
child,  according  to  the  orthodox  Hindu  fashion,  led  to 
the  split  by  which  the  sect  was  produced.  In  its  temper 
and  tendencies  it  stands  between  the  other  two,  attempt- 
ing especially  to  mediate  between  Eastern  and  Western 
civilization.1 

The  Arya  Somaj,  founded  by  Dayanand  Saraswati,  a 
man  educated  in  the  Hindu  traditions,  is  closer  to  the 
heart  of  the  people.  This  movement  clings  to  the  Vedas 

1 Among  those  members  of  the  sect  who  are  best  known  in  the 
West  is  Mazoomdar,  the  author  of  The  Oriental  Christ. 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


101 


as  inspired,  although  it  has  departed  from  many  of  the 
former  grotesque  interpretations  and  is  reading  the 
classics  in  a straightforward  and  simple  manner.  It 
is  militant,  even  pugnacious  in  its  attitude  toward  Islam 
and  other  non-Hindu  forms  of  belief. 

More  representative  of  the  older  religious  spirit  of 
India  are  the  followers  of  Ramakrishna,  among  whom 
the  recently  deceased  Vivekananda  was  the  most  en- 
gaging figure.  He  received  an  English  education,  and 
had  early  in  life  been  attracted  by  Brahmoism,  though 
he  became  estranged  from  that  movement  through 
what  he  called  its  lack  in  spiritual  depth.  In  these  men 
the  older  traditions  of  Indian  religious  life  were  domin- 
ant. They  withdrew  from  the  world  for  meditation, 
they  clung  to  the  Vedas  as  revealed,  they  rested  satis- 
fied with  the  old  philosophy  of  India.  But  they  saw  it 
with  new  eyes,  they  called  for  a stronger  expression  of 
personality,  a more  active  devotion;  to  use  a current 
word,  they  were  more  pragmatic  than  the  older  religious 
teachers  of  India  had  been.  In  this  practical  tendency 
the  contact  with  Western  civilization  made  itself  felt 
rather  than  in  the  philosophic  form  of  their  thought. 
In  the  words  of  Vivekananda,  “The  best  guide  in  life  is 
strength.  In  religion,  as  in  everything  else,  discard 
everything  that  weakens  you,  have  nothing  to  do  with 
it.  All  mystery-mongering  weakens  the  human  brain.” 
Language  such  as  this,  which  might  have  proceeded 
from  so  radical  an  energist  as  Nietzsche,  shows  how  little 


102  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


the  vulgar  wonders  of  “theosophy”  have  in  common 
with  the  truly  important  philosophical  and  religious 
movements  in  India.  Theosophy,  far  from  discovering 
for  us  the  light  of  Asia,  deals  preferably  with  half-under- 
stood mystic  elements,  which  the  leaders  of  Indian 
thought  look  upon  as  remnants  of  a darker  age  now 
happily  outgrown,  and  never  in  accord  with  the  true 
light  of  Asian  thought. 

Religious  beliefs  are  in  India  so  closely  bound  up  with 
social  observances  and  institutions  that  the  one  cannot 
be  modified  without  directly  involving  the  other.  As 
the  organization  of  the  family  and  of  the  castes  rests 
upon  religious  authority,  any  change  in  the  customs  of 
marriage,  family  property,  and  inheritance,  inevitably 
conflicts  with  some  accepted  socio-religious  dogma, 
toward  maintaining  which  intact  all  the  conservative 
forces  of  society  cooperate.  The  liberalizing  of  religious 
belief,  and  the  unfettering  of  social  action,  are  therefore 
in  India  usually  two  aspects  of  the  same  movement:  to 
rationalize  religion  and  to  secure  a more  endurable 
existence  for  widows  have  been  purposes  constantly 
allied  in  practice.  Without  exception,  all  religious  re- 
formers have  been  propagandists  of  social  freedom  as 
well  — though  differing  in  degree  as  to  the  amount  of 
social  liberty  to  be  striven  for.  Vivekananda  and  his 
associates,  dwelling  on  the  spiritual  side  of  religion,  and 
conservatives  in  temper,  do  not  expect  much  from 
mechanical  reform.  But  Vivekananda  himself  speci- 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


103 


fically  insisted  upon  freedom  of  travel  and  of  diet,  and 
condemned  the  spirit  of  all  trammeling  conventions. 
Ambitious  proposals  for  new  institutional  forms  of 
society  he  encountered  with  less  assurance.  The  work 
of  the  Somajes  tends  toward  social  reform  in  a preem- 
inent degree.  Even  the  conservative  Arya  Scmaj  favors 
the  remarriage  of  widows  and  similar  reforms  of  family 
law.  The  Brahmos  wage  direct  war  against  the  entire 
caste-system,  and  it  is  they  who  form  the  real  centre  for 
social-reform  agitation. 

But  there  are  also  secular  organizations  which  pursue 
this  same  object.  The  Indian  Social  Reform  Conference, 
which  was  founded  by  Ranade  in  1887  and  which  has 
since  met  annually,  has  carrried  on  a systematic  agitation 
against  enforced  widowhood,  early  marriage,  the  pro- 
hibition of  foreign  travel,  and  various  harassing  incidents 
of  the  caste  system.  Among  the  leaders  of  social  reform 
must  also  be  mentioned  the  scholar  Vidyasagar,  who 
wrote  a book  on  widow-marriage,  showing  its  permiss- 
ibility according  to  the  sacred  books;  Ananda  Mohun 
Bose;  and  the  Parsis  Jijibhai  and  Malabari.  The  latter, 
a Gujarati  poet  and  lecturer,  spent  heroic  efforts  in 
securing  the  passage  of  the  Age  of  Consent  Act  of  1891, 
and  in  preparing  the  way  for  its  acceptance  by  the  In- 
dian people.  His  enlightened  independence  earned  him 
the  bitter  hostility  of  the  conservatives.  In  a coun- 
try where  a departure  from  social  customs  often  entails 
the  most  cruel  consequences,  such  as  the  severance  of 


104  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


family  ties,  causing  bitter  pain  to  friends  and  dear  ones, 
where  social  ostracism  threatens  the  non-conformer, 
reform  is  not  the  mild  and  smiling  goddess  which  is  wor- 
shiped in  the  West,  but  rather  a stem  taskmaster,  who 
demands  the  cruelest  sacrifices  in  an  austere  alternative 
between  conflicting  duties.  Under  such  conditions  the 
activities  of  the  reformer  exact  qualities  of  mind  and 
character  akin  to  heroism,  which  can  be  inspired  only 
by  an  intense  courage  of  conviction. 

Problems  of  social  life  are  everywhere  interrelated 
with  matters  of  politics,  but  in  India  this  connection  is 
especially  close;  the  various  fields  of  human  activity 
have  in  that  country  not  yet  been  differentiated  as  they 
have  been  in  the  West,  and  the  master  fact  — an  alien 
political  dominance  — gives  a peculiar  coloring  to  all 
national  problems.  In  recent  years  political  questions 
have  more  and  more  overshadowed  all  other  considera- 
tions, and  the  leaders  of  native  thought  have  entirely 
concentrated  their  attention  on  political  action.  In 
religious  and  social  reform  they  encounter  the  sullen 
indifference  of  the  uneducated  masses.  They  well-nigh 
despair  of  accomplishing  a regeneration  of  India  in  that 
direction.  The  social  reformers  are  virtually  still  occu- 
pying the  same  position  as  that  held  by  Rammohun  Roy 
seventy-five  years  ago;  they  have  indeed  made  progress 
in  securing  adherents  as  well  as  practical  results,  but 
they  have  not  as  yet  reached  the  masses  of  India  di- 
rectly. One  of  the  chief  effects  Of  literary  education  in 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


105 


India  is  the  development  of  a spirit  of  skepticism,  a 
questioning  of  authority.  This  questioning  was  at  first 
directed  against  the  authority  of  native  custom  and  re- 
ligion. At  present  it  is  directed  more  and  more  against 
the  authority  of  the  Anglo-Indian  Government.  It  is  not 
strange  that  the  Indian  youth  should  apply  Edmund 
Burke’s  invectives  against  tyranny  to  political  condi- 
tions in  India;  they  are  less  prone,  however,  to  emulate 
his  sage  conservatism. 

It  would  be  misleading  to  attribute  the  present  “un- 
rest” in  India  to  a superficial  stirring  up  of  the  people 
by  irresponsible  agitators.  On  the  contrary,  the  whole 
impact  of  the  strain  of  the  attempted  adjustment  be- 
tween the  old  and  the  new,  the  East  and  the  West,  has 
now  become  concentrated  upon  political  relations,  and 
all  the  latent  dissatisfaction  of  a vast  society,  poor  and 
dependent,  is  seeking  a vent  in  political  agitation.  No 
police  action,  no  methods  of  repression,  can  solve  this 
difficulty;  the  danger  of  a catastrophe  can  be  avoided 
only  by  far-seeing  and  statesmanlike  action  which  will 
create  a satisfactory  basis  for  permanent  relations  of 
confidence  and  mutual  respect,  combining  the  mainten- 
ance of  British  authority  with  proper  concessions  to 
the  dignity  of  Indian  national  life. 

As  yet  the  depths  of  native  life  have  not  been  stirred, 
but  signs  are  plentiful  that  the  patient  masses  may  be- 
fore long  be  drawn  into  the  political  whirlpool.  The 
intellectual  leaders  of  India  have  gradually  come  to  the 


106  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


conclusion  that  their  leadership  is  exposed  to  sterility 
on  account  of  the  lack  of  a broad,  popular  following. 
They  may  write  and  talk  to  their  hearts’  content,  but 
their  hearers  will  be  only  themselves  — already  per- 
suaded to  satiety.  Real  power  over  the  destinies  of  their 
country  is  denied  them  by  the  organization  into  which 
Indian  political  life  has  been  cast  through  the  conquest. 
They  have  therefore  concluded  that  all  other  considera- 
tions must  be  postponed  in  favor  of  a crusade  for  more 
power  in  the  hands  of  the  native  leaders.  They  are  will- 
ing to  “let  up”  in  their  attacks  upon  native  abuse  in 
order  to  secure  the  encouraging  support  and  solid  back- 
ing of  their  less  enlightened  fellow  subjects.  Thus  the 
ardor  for  social  reform  wanes,  while  political  excitement 
is  fanned  to  a white  heat. 

In  a country  where  the  opportunities  for  exercising 
a direct  influence  upon  the  political  destinies  of  the  peo- 
ple are  so  limited,  it  is  natural  that  extra-governmental 
centres  and  organizations  should  be  created  for  the  dis- 
cussion and  agitation  of  national  policies.  Of  this  nature 
are  the  National  Congress  and  the  various  provincial 
assemblies,  as  well  as  minor  clubs  and  meetings.  The 
entire  literary  and  social  life  of  India  has  in  fact  taken 
on  a political  tinge.  Whenever  Indians  meet  in  larger  or 
smaller  numbers  for  the  discussion  of  religion,  industry, 
social  reform,  or  education,  they  invariably  discuss 
political  matters.  Thus  the  platform  of  such  congresses 
has  afforded  a great  opportunity  for  achieving  a certain 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP  107 


amount  of  national  prominence.  It  is  unfortunate  for 
India  that  this  kind  of  leadership  is  generally  without 
any  regular  connection  with  actual  public  affairs,  that 
it  is  not  tested  in  practical  administration,  as  is  the 
political  leadership  in  most  other  countries.  Yet  the 
men  who  have  thus  obtained  prominence  are  in  many 
respects  worthy  of  the  confidence  which  has  been  re- 
posed in  them.  Their  chief  weakness  has  been  their 
national  love  of  generalization,  accentuated  by  lack  of 
training  in  the  responsible  conduct  of  public  affairs. 
The  process  of  meeting  year  after  year  to  pass  the  same 
resolutions  and  to  express  the  same  sentiments,  would 
have  cooled  the  ardor  of  a less  idealistic  race;  but  the 
leaders  of  India,  undaunted  by  the  present  barrenness  of 
their  labors,  have  confidently  looked  to  a more  propitious 
future  when  the  seed  they  have  been  sowing  shall  have 
grown  into  fruit.  In  the  words  of  Ghokale,  “ It  is  for  us 
to  serve  our  country  with  our  failures,  it  will  be  for 
future  generations  to  serve  her  with  their  successes.” 
Yet  at  present  a more  impatient  mood  has  seized  the 
Indian  world.  The  British  system,  with  all  the  fair 
viceregal  promises,  has  appeared  to  the  natives  more 
and  more  unyielding  and  supercilious.  So  there  has 
arisen  a group  of  violent  agitators  not  satisfied  with  the 
methods  of  intellectual  propaganda  to  which  such  men 
as  Mehta  and  Ghokale  have  adhered.  These  newer  men 
lack  all  steadying  training,  they  base  their  action  on 
abstract  opinions  without  regard  to  the  intricate  and 


108  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


delicately  adjusted  facts  upon  which  the  Indian  system 
rests,  and  their  agitation  is  considered  even  by  Indians 
as  endangering  the  normal  evolution  of  Indian  political 
life.  And  yet  the  existence  of  such  radical  and  un- 
scrupulous agitators  is  a direct  result  of  the  fruitlessness 
of  the  conservative  reform  movement.  The  leaders  of 
Indian  thought  have  come  to  feel  keenly  their  lack  of 
the  power  of  positive  action;  they  know  that  so  long 
as  the  people  remain  inert,  their  congresses  may  go  on 
meeting  year  after  year,  passing  the  same  insistent 
resolutions,  without  having  as  much  effect  on  the  gov- 
ernment of  India  as  the  articles  in  an  English  provincial 
paper.  The  popular  support  so  essential  to  a political 
movement,  and  through  which  alone  they  could  bring 
pressure  to  bear  upon  the  Indian  Government,  seems 
denied  them  so  long  as  they  confine  their  efforts  to  con- 
gressional discussions,  to  lectures  before  educated  audi- 
ences, and  to  social  reform.  The  masses  care  not  for 
social  reform,  nor  for  political  disquisitions.  Agitators 
are  needed  to  stir  them  up;  and  we  may  well  imagine 
that  the  arguments  used  by  such  persons  will  be  made 
more  directly  ad  hominem  than  those  contained  in  Mill 
on  Representative  Government. 

It  is  a great  misfortune  to  India  that  her  true  leaders 
are  unable  to  reach  the  masses  with  the  ideals  by  which 
they  themselves  are  inspired,  while  irresponsible  agitat- 
ors are  appealing  to  motives  which  in  turn  may  arouse 
forces  beyond  the  control  both  of  the  leaders  themselves 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


109 


and  of  the  Government.  That  this  system  should  result 
in  a feeling  on  the  part  of  Anglo-Indians  which  at  times 
approaches  panic,  is  very  easily  explainable.  The  ma- 
terials dealt  with,  while  ordinarily  dormant,  are  never- 
theless extremely  explosive. 

As  the  relations  of  the  intellectual  Hite  to  the  conduct 
of  public  affairs  are,  in  the  nature  of  things,  a matter  of 
subtle  influence  and  delicate  adjustment,  it  would  any- 
where be  difficult  to  follow  Plato’s  suggestion  and  cast 
them  into  fixed  institutional  forms.  It  is  indeed  of  rare 
occurrence  in  Western  countries  that  men,  recognized  as 
leaders  in  the  world  of  thought  and  culture,  are  also 
prominently  active  in  governmental  affairs.  The  lit- 
erary men  of  first-rate  importance,  who,  during  the  past 
two  centuries  have  busied  themselves  with  political 
administration,  beyond  the  general  interest  of  citizen- 
ship, can  be  counted  on  the  fingers  of  one  hand;  and  of 
these,  Goethe  administered  a large  federal  estate  rather 
than  a national  government,  while  Bjornson  was  drawn 
into  political  strife  by  a crisis  of  profound  importance 
to  his  country.  So  distinct  is,  at  ordinary  times,  the 
official  sphere  from  the  leadership  in  culture  that  it 
attracted  much  comment,  as  a thing  unusual,  when  an 
American  ambassador  at  Berlin  maintained  intimate 
social  relations  with  men  of  learning  and  science.  To 
note  these  instances  is,  of  course,  no  more  than  to  illus- 
trate the  trite  fact  that  specialization,  in  modem  life, 
has  a tendency  to  separate  the  various  classes  and  bodies 


110 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


of  men  who  occupy  positions  of  leadership.  It  is  not  that 
the  intellectual  element  has  abandoned  politics,  but 
that  those  who  devote  themselves  to  politics  are  in  pro- 
fessional matters  more  or  less  segregated  from  other 
leading  men,  as  these  again  form  several  groups  and 
classes.  Strange  to  say,  the  country  where  such  a segre- 
gation is  least  apparent,  where  general  intellectual  and 
political  leadership  are  most  closely  identified,  is  that 
most  practical,  unimaginative  commonwealth  of  Eng- 
land. 

In  the  greatest  dependency  of  Britain,  however,  the 
relations  of  intellectual  leadership  to  politics  are  given 
a unique  turn,  through  the  fact  that  here  an  intellectual 
aristocracy  of  ancient  pedigree  finds  itself  stripped  of 
influence  in  its  own  home  and  sees  the  seats  of  power 
occupied  by  forceful  aliens  who  care  little  for  the  things 
of  the  spirit.  Accordingly,  in  no  country  of  the  world 
are  the  educated  classes  so  universally  occupied  with 
political  matters  as  in  India  at  the  present  time.  It 
would  be  difficult  to  mention  a single  Indian  contempo- 
rary of  great  prominence  who  does  not,  as  writer  or 
editor  or  congress  speaker  or  agitator,  take  part  in  poli- 
tics. This  condition  is  not  the  result  of  a powerful 
original  interest  in  matters  of  state,  but  it  is  caused  by 
the  abnormal  conditions  in  which  the  country  finds 
itself;  just  as  the  political  interest  of  Plato  or  Dante  or 
Milton  or  Renan  was  the  result  of  critical  conditions  in 
the  affairs  of  the  societies  in  which  they  lived. 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


111 


Little  opportunity  is  afforded  the  natives  of  India  to 
exercise  leadership  through  direct  possession  of  political 
power.  The  native  states  are  still  administered  by  men 
of  Indian  descent,  but  they  contain  few  positions  of  great 
importance,  and  the  problems  dealt  with  are  rather  of 
local  interest.  Yet  in  such  positions  some  men  have 
earned  national  fame  as  successful  administrators  and 
wise  rulers.  Such  statesmen  were  hailed  as  proving  the 
capacity  of  Indians  to  govern  themselves,  and  their  pre- 
eminence was  a solace  to  their  countrymen  in  British 
India  who  are  excluded  from  high  political  dignities. 
Among  the  most  notable  of  these  Indian  prime  minis- 
ters were  Sir  Salar  Jung,  who  traced  his  descent  back  to 
Arab  origin,  and  that  Sir  T.  Madhavao,  of  Baroda,  who 
was  in  his  youth  a brilliant  student  of  physics  and  math- 
ematics, devoting  himself  to  positive,  rather  than  to 
literary  and  metaphysical  learning.  We  might  note 
here  in  parenthesis  that  many  among  the  prominent 
leaders  of  modern  India  have  in  a similar  manner  em- 
phasized the  positive  or  scientific  side  in  their  studies, 
as  in  the  case  of  Dadabhai  Naoroji,  Mehta,  and  P.  N. 
Bose. 

A career  affording  greater  prominence  though  less 
direct  power  than  these  local  premierships,  is  open  to  a 
few  distinguished  Indians,  through  membership  in  Par- 
liament and  in  the  Supreme  Legislative  Council  of 
India.  Membership  in  the  British  Parliament  has  been 
bestowed  upon  native  Indians  only  in  very  exceptional 


112  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


cases;  that  it  should  have  been  done  at  all  by  a British 
electorate  is  a striking  proof  of  the  liberal  temper  of 
English  politics.  This  distinction,  when  conferred  upon 
an  Indian,  gives  him  a recognized  position  of  political 
leadership  in  his  own  country.  For  a long  time  Mr. 
Dadabhai  Naoroji,  who  sat  in  Parliament  from  1892  to 
1895,  was  looked  up  to  by  educated  Indians  throughout 
the  Empire  as  their  most  dignified  representative.  This 
“grand  old  man  of  India”  is  of  Parsee  descent,  and  has 
enjoyed  a career  of  great  political  prominence.  For  a 
time  he  was  Diwan  of  Baroda,  and  thereupon  a member 
of  the  Bombay  Legislative  Council.  The  unifying  influ- 
ence of  the  British  raj  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  some  of 
the  most  prominent  political  leaders  of  India  have  come 
from  the  Parsee  community  of  Bombay  — in  numbers 
as  insignificant  as  it  is  notable  for  ability  in  affairs  and 
for  progressive  ideas.  The  importance  of  Mr.  Naoroji 
in  India  itself  was  almost  outshone  by  Sir  Pherozeshah 
Mehta,  also  a Parsee,  who  for  forty  years  past  has  been 
active  as  a political  leader,  lecturer,  and  legislator. 
Notwithstanding  his  conservative  and  pro-British  atti- 
tude, this  man  has  preserved  his  ascendancy  and  his 
influence  over  the  public  opinion  of  India.  Other  Par- 
sees  of  high  reputation  are  the  philanthropists,  Sir 
J.  Jijibhai  and  Behramji  Malabari,  whose  work  has 
already  been  referred  to. 

The  Hindu  part  of  the  Indian  population  finds  its 
most  prominent  political  representatives  in  such  men  as 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP 


113 


Gopal  Krishna  Gokhale,  W.  C.  Bonnerjee,  and  Lalmo- 
hun  Ghose.  The  latter,  who  died  in  1909,  was  a man  of 
the  highest  ability,  amounting  to  genius,  to  which  was 
abided  a great  personal  charm.  He  was  a leader  of  the 
legal  profession,  and  as  a public  speaker  was  compared 
with  Chatham  for  the  sustained  brilliance  of  his  oratory, 
nor  was  he  lacking  in  a sense  of  humor.  Mr.  Gokhale, 
a native  of  Bombay,  was  in  his  youth  influenced  by  the 
temper  of  the  Parsee  leaders,  as  well  as  by  the  economic 
studies  of  Ranade.  He  became  Mehta’s  successor  in  the 
Imperial  Council,  where  he  made  a reputation  as  a dig- 
nified and  forceful  speaker,  and  won  special  renown  by 
the  clearness  of  his  expression.  He  possesses  a mastery 
of  financial  questions,  and  his  judgment  on  financial 
matters  has  repeatedly  been  accepted  by  the  Govern- 
ment in  modifying  its  original  proposals.  Another  val- 
uable member  of  the  Supreme  Legislative  Council  is 
Dr.  Rash  Behari  Ghose,  who  is  looked  upon  as  the 
leader  of  the  Calcutta  Bar.  A career  of  less  prominence 
is  afforded  by  the  provincial  legislative  councils  and  by 
the  municipal  magistracies;  but  even  here  reputations 
may  be  won,  as  in  the  case  of  Nalin  Behari  Sircar,  who 
was  held  to  be  Bengal’s  greatest  citizen  because  of  his 
public-mindedness  and  his  efficient  service  to  his  people 
in  less  exalted  positions. 

The  councils  of  which  we  have  spoken,  however,  on 
account  of  their  purely  advisory  powers,  do  not  afford 
a completely  satisfactory  field  of  activity  for  the  leading 


114  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


men  of  India.  In  the  administrative  branches  of  the 
Government  the  boundaries  set  to  their  ambitions  are 
very  narrow  indeed;  it  is  only  in  the  judicial  service  that 
a fair  chance  for  distinction  is  accorded  to  natives.1 
We  therefore  find  that  native  talent  often  turns  in  this 
direction;  and  some  careers  of  undoubted  usefulness  have 
been  achieved.  Among  the  names  which  immediately 
suggest  themselves  are  Chief  Justice  Romesh  C.  Mitter, 
K.  T.  Telang,  0.  C.  Mookerji,  Subramanya  Iyer,  on  the 
Hindu  side;  and  among  the  Mohammedans,  Ameer  Ali 
and  Syed  Mahmud.  These  men  are  all  notable  for  their 
general  culture.  Justice  Syed  Mahmud  had  a fondness 
for  quoting  Urdu  and  Persian  poetry  in  his  decisions, 
calling  upon  the  graceful  muse  to  soften  the  decrees  of 
stern  justice,  without  detriment  to  the  quality  of  his  law. 
Both  he  and  Mr.  Justice  Ameer  Ali  were  trained  in  Eng- 
land. The  latter  has  achieved  great  distinction  as  a legal 
and  historical  writer.  His  occasional  essays  in  English 
reviews  have  been  justly  admired  for  their  clearness  of 
diction;  yet  his  command  of  a fine  and  expressive  Eng- 
lish style  is  equaled  by  other  Indian  literary  men. 

The  present  situation  in  India  illustrates  some  of 
the  unfortunate  results  of  the  political  dependence  of 
a civilized  people.  Not  only  politically,  but  also  in 
economic  matters,  India  is  kept  in  a state  of  dependence 

1 In  1903, out  of  1307  positions  in  the  higher  Indian  civil  service 
which  pay  over  one  thousand  rupees  ($330)  a month,  only  ninety- 
four  were  held  by  Indian  natives.  The  latter  are  entirely  excluded 
from  higher  military  command. 


INTELLECTUAL  LEADERSHIP  115 

on  the  metropole.  But  the  most  hopeless  feature  of 
the  situation  is  that  the  men  who  would  naturally  be 
leaders  in  government  and  enterprise,  find  themselves 
excluded  from  opportunities  for  exercising  legitimate 
power  in  their  own  country.  Such  a decapitation  of  an 
entire  people  is  a great  sacrifice  to  impose,  even  in  return 
for  the  blessings  of  peace  and  an  efficient  policing  of  the 
country.  The  continuance  of  this  policy  would  mean 
either  the  total  destruction  and  degradation  of  Indian 
national  life,  or  the  end  of  the  British  raj.  The  policy  of 
exclusiveness  exercises  an  unfavorable  influence  on  the 
civil  service  itself,  in  that,  while  a lower  type  of  intel- 
ligence — a merely  clerical  faculty  — is  encouraged 
among  the  native  officials,  yet  these  inferior  men,  being 
of  the  soil  and  knowing  local  conditions,  will  necessarily 
have  a great  influence  in  fixing  the  character  of  the  entire 
service  and  the  quality  of  its  work.  The  encouragement 
of  higher  types  of  ability  through  a greater  liberality  in 
official  appointments  would  thus  vitalize  the  service  and 
strengthen  its  contact  with  the  real  forces  of  Indian  life. 
Yet  from  the  point  of  view  of  national  destiny,  the  above 
considerations  are  of  less  importance  than  the  tendency 
which  is  thus  described  by  Mr.  Ghokale:  “A  kind  of 
dwarfing  or  stunting  of  the  Indian  race  is  going  on  under 
the  present  system.  We  must  live  all  our  life  in  an  at- 
mosphere of  inferiority,  and  the  tallest  among  us  must 
bend  in  order  that  the  exigencies  of  the  system  be  satis- 
fied.” 


CHAPTER  IV 


INTELLECTUAL  TENDENCIES  IN  THE  CHINESE  REFORM 
MOVEMENT 

To  understand  the  intellectual  temper  of  the  great 
movement  that  is  now  going  on  in  the  Chinese  Empire, 
it  is  necessary  to  form  a clear  conception,  both  of  the 
elements  in  Chinese  traditions  and  native  thought  which 
are  being  applied  especially  to  the  present  situation,  as 
also  of  the  manner  in  which  Western  civilization  is  being 
understood  by  Chinese  minds.  From  the  transition 
which  China  is  now  undergoing  she  will  undoubtedly 
emerge  with  deep  and  far-reaching  modifications  in  her 
traditional  system;  but  it  also  seems  certain  that  the 
essentials  of  her  civilization  will  remain  Chinese,  that 
she  will  retain  whatever  is  strong  and  valid  in  her  cult- 
ure, adopting  only  such  institutions  and  methods  of  the 
West  as  may  be  truly  helpful  to  her  national  life. 

The  ideas  developed  in  Chinese  history  and  philoso- 
phy distinctly  favor  the  view  that  government  ought 
to  be  the  rational  expression  of  the  common  weal  en- 
forced in  accordance  with  the  dictates  of  the  popular  con- 
science. In  the  earliest  Chinese  traditions,  preserved  for 
us  in  the  historic  book  of  Confucius,  supplemented  by 
other  sources,  there  is  drawn  a picture  of  royal  govern- 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  117 


mcnt  essentially  aristocratic  in  character.  Throughout 
the  two  thousand  years  from  2500  b.c.  onward,  which  are 
recorded  in  these  annals,  there  is  a uniform  insistence 
on  certain  ideals  of  government.  While  the  Emperor  is 
looked  upon  as  the  representative  of  divine  authority,  it 
is  made  plain  that  he  endangers  his  power  and  the  con- 
tinuance of  his  rule  by  falling  into  vices  and  disregarding 
the  duties  of  his  office.  He  governs,  not  as  a personal 
despot,  but  in  accordance  with  the  advice  of  princes  and 
other  leaders  who  surround  him,  and  especially  of  the 
Prime  Minister,  who  is  selected  by  reason  of  unusual 
efficiency  and  high  political  virtue.  The  Emperor  must 
practice  self-control  and  not  pursue  a personal  policy; 
in  order  to  discover  the  right  way,  he  will  always  wel- 
come the  advice  and  assistance  of  great  scholars.  Should 
an  emperor  entirely  fall  from  grace,  so  that  his  conduct 
would  leave  no  hope  for  ultimate  improvement,  a revo- 
lutionary act  would  justly  supersede  him  and  put  in 
his  place  a worthier  man  of  tested  strength  and  character. 

Thus  it  is  written  of  one  of  these  rulers,  set  up  as  a 
model  to  all  successors,  “that  he  listened  to  reproof, 
did  not  ignore  advice,  and  was  altogether  in  accord  with 
the  leaders  of  the  people.”  It  was  common  to  assemble 
the  princes  and  leaders  of  the  Empire  for  consultation 
after  the  manner  of  the  imperial  diets  of  Charlemagne; 
the  earliest  assembly  recorded  was  that  called  by  Yu 
at  the  Hill  of  Mao,  south  of  the  Yang-tze,  which  there- 
after was  known  as  the  “ Hill  of  General  Investigation,” 


118  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


a name  that  suggests  the  “ grand  inquest  ” which  was  the 
origin  of  Parliament  in  England.  The  system  developed 
in  these  centuries  recalls  the  first  beginnings  of  modern 
democracy  as  conceived  by  the  early  French  writer, 
Languet;  in  his  view,  too,  the  people  should  not  act  as  a 
mass,  but  as  organized  bodies  represented  through  their 
magistrates,  leaders,  and  princes. 

The  welfare  of  the  people  is  throughout  laid  down  as 
the  main  aim  and  purpose  of  government,  and  upon  the 
manner  in  which  a ruler  can  hold  public  confidence  and 
find  a place  in  the  hearts  of  the  people  depends  the  per- 
manence and  usefulness  of  his  rule.  An  early  emperor 
was  reproved  in  these  terms:  “The  people  have  with- 
drawn their  favor  and  Heaven  has  turned  itself  away 
because  of  your  transgressions.”  In  the  general  conduct 
of  life  democratic  ideals  are  inculcated,  — the  avoidance 
of  all  ostentation,  luxury,  and  display.  Thus  one  ruler 
is  admonished  “not  to  set  a value  on  rare  things  nor  to 
belittle  such  as  are  useful,  for  thus  you  will  prosper  the 
people.”  One  of  the  emperors  sought  everywhere  for 
learned  and  accomplished  scholars  to  instruct  and  to 
direct  his  people;  he  sought  for  them  also  that  they  might 
afterward  give  aid  to  his  immediate  successors.  Another 
said,  “It  is  not  so  much  that  I fear  the  scholars  of  my 
country  will  be  left  waiting  outside  my  gates,  as  that 
they  may  pass  me  by.”  The  respect  for  intellectual 
eminence,  the  desire  to  accept  rational  advice,  and  to 
weigh  courses  of  action  in  the  light  of  wisdom,  therefore, 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  119 


go  back  to  the  very  beginnings  of  Chinese  history,  over 
four  thousand  years  ago.  When  the  leader  of  the  first 
recorded  revolution  (b.c.  1776)  began  his  movement  and 
assembled  his  troops,  he  addressed  them  in  the  following 
words:  “This  thing  that  I am  about  to  do  is  not  of  my 
choice.  It  is  the  decree  of  Heaven  on  account  of  Hia’s 
transgressions.  Think  not  that  I have  no  pity  for  you, 
that  I willingly  sacrifice  your  peaceful  arts  of  husbandry 
to  bring  about  the  conquest  of  Hia.  I have  heard  your 
words  of  complaint,  but  as  I fear  the  supreme  ruler,  I 
dare  not  refrain  from  this  work.  If  I do  not  resist  this 
evil,  how  can  I look  for  Heaven’s  support?”  The  ideal 
of  royalty  is  summed  up  in  the  words,  “He  who  subdues 
others  is  a lord,  but  he  who  conquers  himself  is  a king.”  1 

The  models  of  conduct,  held  up  in  the  historical  work 
of  Confucius  for  the  guidance  of  Chinese  rulers,  recall, 
to  a certain  extent,  the  ideals  inculcated  in  books  for 
the  instruction  of  princes,  which  were  so  common  during 
the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  in  Europe.  But 
it  is,  on  the  whole,  a more  vigorous,  sane,  and  generous 
ideal  that  is  contained  in  these  old  Chinese  works ; it  is 
broad  and  practical  in  its  care  for  the  public  welfare,  wise 
in  its  reliance  upon  tried  and  trusted  counselors,  humane 
and  full  of  the  spirit  of  severe  self-control.  A return  to 
these  early  ideals  of  national  government  is  urged  by 
modern  Chinese  like  Wang  Chi  and  Tang  Hsi,  who  are 

1 The  wording  of  passages  from  the  Shu  King  in  the  above  is 
taken  from  Mr.  W.  Gorn  Old’s  translation. 


120  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


leaders  in  a movement  that  calls  for  a renaissance  of 
the  system  of  the  Chow  Dynasty,  under  which  Con- 
fucius lived  and  the  ideals  of  which  he  embodied  in  his 
writings. 

In  other  works  of  Confucius  the  same  ideals  of  govern- 
ment are  further  developed  and  emphasized.  It  is  said 
directly  that  “he  who  gains  the  hearts  of  the  people, 
secures  the  throne;  and  he  who  loses  their  hearts,  loses 
also  the  throne.”  The  revolution  against  tyranny,  al- 
ready referred  to,  which  ended  the  Hia  Dynasty,  is 
justified  upon  the  maxim  that  “the  people’s  hearts  and 
Heaven’s  decree  are  the  same.”  In  Chinese  thought, 
therefore,  the  principle  that  the  voice  of  the  people  is 
the  voice  of  God  has  been  familiar  from  time  immemo- 
rial. The  book  of  Mencius  also  most  clearly  sets  forth 
these  ideas,  holding  that  the  only  true  foundation  of 
government  is  in  the  hearts  of  the  people.  Among 
the  most  characteristic  expressions  are  the  following: 
“Heaven  sees  according  as  my  people  see;  Heaven 
hears  according  as  my  people  hear.”  “He  caused  him 
to  preside  over  the  conduct  of  affairs,  and  affairs  were 
well  administered  so  that  the  people  reposed  under  him; 
thus  the  people  accepted  him.  Heaven  and  the  people 
gave  empire  to  him.”  Kingly  rule  rests  on  humane 
ideals:  “He  who  subdues  men  by  force  is  a tyrant; 
he  who  subdues  them  by  benevolence  is  a king.”  Though 
popular  in  spirit,  in  their  mode  of  action  government 
and  society  were  aristocratic.  Mencius  sets  forth  in  terms 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  121 


which  recall  the  Indian  Bhagavad  Gita,  that  different  de- 
mands are  made  on  different  men  according  to  their 
endowments  and  capabilities:  “Those  who  labor  with 
their  minds  rule,  and  those  who  labor  with  their  bodies 
are  ruled.”  It  has  been  said  that  the  Chinese  ideal  of 
government  is  one  of  benevolent  despotism  tempered  by 
revolution.  It  would  be  juster  to  say  that  it  is  a bene- 
volent absolutism  tempered  by  constant  regard  for  the 
traditions  of  the  Empire,  for  local  custom,  and  for  the 
sentiments  of  the  people.1 

While  the  attitude  of  Chinese  rulers  and  of  the  gov- 
erning class  has  been  influenced  constantly  by  the  ideals 
set  forth  by  Confucius,  the  masses  of  the  people  have 
been  followers  of  Lao-Tze  in  name,  though  with  much 
perversion  of  that  philosopher’s  original  thought.  The 
social  ideals  of  Confucius  have  indeed  given  stability 
and  prosperity  to  the  Chinese  Empire  for  thousands  of 
years.  They  are  a form  of  stoicism  seeking  satisfaction 
in  the  sense  of  accomplished  duty  and  in  self-centred 

1 The  fundamental  doctrines  of  Chinese  political  tradition  have 
been  thus  summarized  by  an  older  writer:  “ First,  that  the  nation 
must  be  governed  by  moral  agency  in  preference  to  physical  force; 
second,  that  the  services  of  the  wisest  and  ablest  men  in  the  nation 
are  indispensable  to  its  good  government;  third,  that  the  people 
have  the  right  to  depose  a sovereign  who,  either  from  active  wicked- 
ness or  vicious  indolence,  gives  cause  to  an  oppressive  and  ty- 
rannical rule.  These  doctrines  are  accompanied  by  an  institution, 
namely,  the  system  of  public  service  competitive  examinations.” 
Meadows,  The  Chinese  and  Their  Rebellions.  1856.  For  more 
complete  extracts  from  the  Chinese  classics,  see  Reinsch,  The  Rise 
o]  Chinese  Nationalism — Documents  and  Readings.  1911. 


122  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


character.  Yet  this  self-sufficiency  has  been  carried  to 
an  extreme  by  Confucian  scholars  and  public  men. 
Great  intellectual  pride  sought  expression  in  these  ideals, 
and  rendered  them  more  and  more  formal  so  that  their 
temper  departed  gradually  but  decisively  from  the 
modest  and  sincere  attitude  of  Confucius  himself.  Sim- 
plicity became  simplicism  under  which,  as  a well-under- 
stood and  accepted  convention,  Chinese  officialdom, 
with  all  its  corrupt  and  devious  ways,  flourished  for 
centuries.  These  doctrines,  so  simple  and  flexible  in 
their  origin,  became,  in  the  course  of  centuries,  hard-and- 
fast  limitations  upon  national  development.  Modern 
China  appeals  from  the  more  recent  to  the  more  ancient 
Confucianism.  But  while  Confucius’s  teaching  was  cor- 
rupted in  the  direction  of  exclusiveness  and  artificiality, 
the  Taoism  of  Lao-Tze  was  more  sadly  perverted  to  the 
nursing  of  an  inert  superstition,  so  that  modern  Chinese 
writers  see  in  Taoist  doctrines  the  chief  cause  of  China’s 
weakness  and  decay.  Lao-Tze  himself  sought  in  Reason 
the  essence  of  life  and  guidance  in  human  affairs.  He 
discouraged,  above  all,  the  assertiveness  by  which  any 
individual  would  attempt  to  magnify  his  importance 
and  to  interfere  with  the  normal,  quiet,  and  rational 
development  of  things.  This  he  applied  to  the  conduct 
of  private  as  well  as  of  public  affairs.  In  all  pursuits  he 
expects  more  from  quietly  waiting  upon  reason  than 
from  trying  to  force  matters  by  artificial  contrivance. 
“ If  princes  and  kings  could  keep  to  reason,  the  ten  thous- 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  123 


and  things  would  of  themselves  be  reformed.”  “When 
one  desires  to  take  in  hand  the  Empire  and  make  it,  I 
see  him  not  succeed.  The  Empire  is  a divine  vessel 
which  cannot  be  made.  One  who  tries  to  make  it,  mars 
it.”  Nor  does  he  encourage  great  striving  among  the 
people;  he  would  rather  keep  them  in  quiet  satisfaction. 
“Not  exalting  worth,  keeps  people  from  rivalry.  Not 
prizing  what  is  difficult  to  obtain,  keeps  people  from 
committing  theft.  Not  contemplating  what  kindles 
desire,  keeps  the  heart  unconfused.  The  holy  man  when 
he  governs,  suppresses  the  people’s  passions,  but  fills 
their  souls.  Always  he  keeps  the  people  unsophisticated 
and  without  desire.  When  he  acts  with  non-assertion, 
there  is  nothing  ungovemed.”  “ The  ancients,  who  were 
well  versed  in  reason,  did  not  thereby  enlighten  the 
people;  they  intended  to  make  them  simple-hearted.  If 
people  are  difficult  to  govern,  it  is  because  they  are  too 
smart.  To  govern  with  designing  cleverness  is  the  coun- 
try’s curse.”  But  while  Lao-Tze  discourages  the  arous- 
ing of  ambitions  in  the  people,  he  too  has  a popular 
conception  of  government:  “The  nobles  come  from  the 
commoners  as  their  root,  and  the  highest  rest  upon  the 
lowiy  as  their  foundation.”  The  general  ideals  of  con- 
duct are  expressed  by  the  sage  in  the  following  terms: 
“The  holy  man  knows  himself,  but  does  not  display 
himself.  He  holds  himself  dear,  but  does  not  honor  him- 
self.” “ To  be  taciturn  is  the  natural  way.  A hurricane 
does  not  outlast  the  morning.  A cloudburst  does  not 


124  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


outlast  the  day.  Even  heaven  and  earth  cannot  be  unre- 
mitting, will  not  man  be  much  less  so?”  “A  good  man 
acts  resolutely  and  then  stops.  He  ventures  not  to  take 
by  force;  he  is  resolute  but  not  boastful;  resolute  but  not 
haughty;  resolute  but  not  arrogant;  resolute  because 
he  cannot  avoid  it;  resolute  but  not  violent.” 

All  the  pacific  elements  of  Chinese  life  find  in  Lao- 
Tze  their  strongest  expression:  “He  who  with  reason 
assists  the  master  of  mankind  will  not  with  arms  con- 
quer the  Empire.  Where  armies  are  quartered,  briers 
and  thorns  grow.  Even  beautiful  arms  are  unblessed 
among  tools,  and  people  had  better  shun  them.  There- 
fore, he  who  has  reason  does  not  rely  upon  them.  Arms 
are  unblessed  among  tools  and  not  the  superior  man’s 
implements.  Only  when  it  is  unavoidable  he  uses  them. 
Peace  and  quietude  he  holds  high.  He  conquers  but  re- 
joices not.  Rejoicing  at  a conquest  means  to  enjoy  the 
slaughter  of  men.”  This  is  the  foundation  of  the  phi- 
losopher’s most  notable  doctrine  of  the  ultimate  victory 
of  the  weak  over  the  strong,  a doctrine  which  has  had 
strange  illustration  and  verification  in  Chinese  history. 
“The  weak  conquer  the  strong,  the  tender  conquer  the 
rigid.”  “The  compassionate  will,  in  time  of  attack,  be 
victorious,  and  in  defense,  firm.”  “Thus,  if  matched 
armies  encounter  one  another,  the  tenderer  one  is  sure 
to  conquer.”  “ He  who  excels  as  a warrior  is  not  warlike. 
He  who  excels  as  a fighter  is  not  wrathful.  He  who 
excels  in  conquering  the  enemy  does  not  strive.  He  who 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  125 


excels  in  employing  men  is  lowly.”  1 In  every  respect 
Lao-Tze  puts  forward  the  ideal  of  quiet  strength,  rather 
than  of  blustering  activity  and  self-assertion.  This 
philosophy  gives  expression  to  those  elements  in  Chinese 
popular  character  which  have  made  it  possible  for  that 
huge  empire  to  exist  in  rarely  broken  peace  for  thousands 
of  years;  which  have  also  caused  the  gradual  assimila- 
tion of  the  conquerors  who  from  time  to  time  attempted 
to  influence  the  destiny  of  China.  If  Confucianism  is  the 
philosophy  of  the  Chinese  higher  ranks,  Taoism  is  the 
religion  of  the  masses,  industrious,  frugal,  and  patient 
to  inertness.  But  to  the  party  of  national  advance  at  the 
present  this  quietism  seems  evil  and  dangerous.  While 
expressing  some  fundamental  qualities  of  Chinese  char- 
acter, the  doctrines  of  the  sage  have  indeed  also  been 
perverted  in  a notable  manner.  Human  indolence,  in- 
ertness, and  weakness  have  sought  consolation  in  them 
disregarding  all  the  deep  strength  which  underlies  these 
teachings;  while  the  sublime  doctrine  of  Reason  as  the 
all-powerful  force,  has  been  used  in  a manner  almost 
unbelievable  to  support  the  most  degraded  and  irra- 
tional practices  connected  with  sorcery,  incantations, 
and  amulets.  It  is  against  these  parodies  of  the  teach- 
ings of  the  sage  that  modem  China  is  protesting. 

The  political  ideals  and  practices  of  the  Chow  period 
have  been  further  set  forth  in  the  Chow-Li,  the  cere- 

1 Doctor  Paul  Carus’s  translation  of  the  Too  Teh-king  has  been 
followed  in  the  above  extracts. 


126  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


monial  institutions  of  the  Chow  Dynasty  (1122-255 
b.c.).  This  ancient  book  contains  a detailed  account 
of  the  entire  imperial  administration  in  all  its  parts, 
giving  the  functions  and  duties  of  a veritable  army  of 
officials.  The  historic  character  of  this  work  has  not 
been  entirely  defined.  By  many  it  is  believed,  like  the 
Republic  or  the  Laws  of  Plato,  to  be  merely  an  effort  to 
construct  an  ideal  system  of  administration.  But  leav- 
ing aside  the  question  as  to  how  far  the  institutions 
described  were  actually  put  in  force,  the  book  may 
safely  be  taken  as  indicating  the  political  ideals  of  the 
time,  ideals  which  would  undoubtedly,  in  many  cases, 
rest  upon  practice.  The  promulgation  of  laws  is  described 
in  the  following  manner:  “On  the  appointed  day  the 
sovereign  addresses  the  officials  present  in  the  audience 
hall  and  proclaims  the  law  to  be  in  force  in  the  kingdom; 
the  chief  elders  of  groups  of  six  towns  and  their  next 
subordinates  receive  the  law  in  turn  through  the  grand 
astrologer.  A full  audience  must  be  given  by  the  sov- 
ereign to  these  important  chiefs  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
peating the  law  before  enforcing  it  in  the  townships.” 
It  is  further  provided  that  the  opinion  of  the  people 
must  be  considered,  especially  on  such  important  ques- 
tions as  dangers  threatening  the  nation,  migration 
within  the  country,  and  the  election  of  a sovereign  in 
case  of  a failure  of  succession.  Many  means  are  provided 
by  which  the  people  may  express  their  opinion  before 
ministers  or  the  king.  Debating  platforms  are  main- 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  127 


tained  and  information  is  gathered  from  the  town  cham- 
bers. In  this  manner,  in  both  legislation  and  in  the  con- 
trol of  finance,  there  was  a certain  participation  of  the 
popular  elements.  Official  ordinances  of  the  various 
ministers  of  state  were  publicly  posted  in  prominent 
places  before  going  into  effect ; and  they  would  be  with- 
drawn if  decidedly  disapproved  by  the  people.  Budget- 
ary forecasts  of  income  and  expenditure  were  also  sub- 
mitted by  the  proper  officials.  Every  three  years  a gen- 
eral examination  of  the  morality  and  skill  of  the  people 
was  held  as  a basis  for  promoting  in  rank  those  who  were 
notable  for  merit.  The  various  towns  also  elected  men 
to  act  as  their  representatives  in  managing  their  local 
affairs.  The  institutions  thus  outlined  might  be  de- 
scribed as  a limited  monarchy  with  responsible  officials 
acting  in  consonance  with  an  active  public  opinion.  The 
Chaw-Li  is  at  present  specially  appealed  to  by  those 
whose  political  aims  take  the  tendency  of  reviving  the 
ancient  institutions  and  popular  liberties  in  China.  Con- 
sidering its  age,  the  book  is  entirely  unique  on  account  of 
its  comprehensiveness  in  the  allotment  of  political  func- 
tions to  a large  number  of  officials  and  in  the  balance 
which  it  establishes  between  the  different  component 
parts  of  the  state. 

It  is,  of  course,  impossible  in  this  place  to  review  the 
entire  development  of  Chinese  thought  and  institutional 
practice.  We  can  consider  only  those  elements  which 
are  becoming  salient  features  in  present  political  dis- 


128  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


cussions  and  tendencies.  In  passing,  we  ought,  however, 
to  glance  at  the  views  of  the  famous  social  reformer, 
Wang  An-shih,  who  was  prime  minister  for  some  years 
after  a.d.  1068.  He  proposed  and  partially  introduced 
an  extensive  system  of  reform  which  recalls  modern 
socialistic  ideas.  In  order  to  eliminate  oppression  of  the 
poor  by  the  rich,  the  Government  was  to  purchase  the 
entire  surplus  of  production  and  distribute  it  virtually 
at  cost.  Taxes  were  to  be  paid  the  state  in  the  products 
of  agriculture  and  industry,  and  poor  men  were  to  be 
enabled  to  obtain  land  through  government  advances. 
Public  works,  heretofore  constructed  by  forced  labor, 
were  to  be  paid  for  out  of  the  proceeds  of  an  income  tax; 
in  the  levy  of  this  impost  great  difficulties  were,  however, 
encountered  in  ascertaining  the  actual  income  of  the 
subjects.  Altogether,  though  given  a fair  trial,  the  sys- 
tem did  not  succeed  in  China  and  was  soon  abandoned. 
Henceforth  similar  ideas  and  institutions  were  looked 
upon  by  Chinese  literary  and  public  men  as  ill-conceived. 
It  is  indeed  strange  and  paradoxical  that  in  a country 
where  the  isolated  individual  means  so  little,  where 
the  community  is  everything,  a socialistic  experiment 
should,  after  all,  have  been  so  complete  a failure.  How- 
ever, China  is  strongly  a laissez-faire  country,  although 
it  is  not  the  individual,  but  the  family,  clan,  and  town- 
ship, that  are  individualistic  and  resist  augmentations 
of  public  authority. 

A political  writer  whose  views  are  also  entering  into 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  129 


the  composition  of  present  Chinese  political  thought  is 
Wong  Li-chow,  who  wrote  at  the  time  of  the  decline  of 
the  Ming  Dynasty,  about  1625  a.d.  His  work  shows 
how  far  Chinese  kingship  had  departed,  in  the  course 
of  centuries,  from  the  earlier  ideals,  and  it  is  now  used 
by  the  adherents  of  reform  to  point  the  moral  of  insti- 
tutional decay  and  to  argue  for  a return  to  the  purer  and 
saner  practices  of  earlier  ages.  According  to  Wong  Li- 
chow,  the  earlier  kings  were  men  who,  at  the  cost  to 
themselves  of  great  pains  and  much  exertion,  undertook 
the  work  of  advancing  public  good  in  the  midst  of  a gen- 
eral selfishness.  These  heroic  leaders  toiled  immeasur- 
ably more  than  the  rest  of  the  community.  Accordingly 
there  were  many  men  who  refused  to  take  up  the  burden 
of  kingship,  others  voluntarily  abdicated,  while  still 
others  performed  their  duties  reluctantly.  In  later  days, 
however,  the  idea  of  kingship  has  changed.  Kings  now 
believe  that  they  have  a right  to  claim  for  themselves 
all  that  is  good  and  to  put  all  burdens  upon  others. 
What  the  king  desired  in  his  selfishness,  he  compelled 
others  to  recognize  as  existing  of  right.  So  he  finally 
came  to  regard  the  state  as  his  property,  descendable 
to  his  heirs;  while  in  the  earlier  days  the  state  was  prin- 
cipal and  the  king  subordinate,  the  latter  devoting  his 
whole  life  to  labor  for  the  public  good.  At  present  every 
true  principle  has  been  reversed;  in  fact,  kings  have 
gone  so  far  as  to  use  their  exalted  office  merely  to  pro- 
vide gratification  for  their  low  desires.  Thus  it  has  come 


130  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


about  that  the  people  are  sacrificed  for  one  man’s  satis- 
faction; and  they,  therefore,  hate  the  king  to  the  last 
extreme,  regarding  him  as  the  common  enemy.  Neo- 
Confucianism  has  supported  this  supreme  development 
of  absolute  power  in  maintaining  the  theory  of  the  king’s 
divine  right  and  denouncing  the  dethronement  of  even 
the  worst  tyrants.  This  is  certainly  a perversion,  for 
why  should  one  man  or  family  be  privileged  to  the  detri- 
ment of  an  entire  people?  Great  dangers  arise  from  such 
ideas  and  practices,  for,  if  the  whole  country  is  regarded 
as  one  man’s  property,  others  are  made  covetous  to 
acquire  it.  Thus  many  ambitious  persons  arise  who 
aspire  to  its  possession;  one  king  can  never  stand  against 
all  these,  no  matter  how  strong  and  clever  he  may  be. 
Sooner  or  later  his  descendants  must  pay  for  his  mis- 
deeds with  their  very  bodies,  so  it  may  come  about  that 
to  be  bom  into  the  royal  family  may  seem  a disaster. 
The  selfishness  of  kings  has  unsettled  all  government. 
When  the  duties  of  a king  were  defined  and  well  known, 
the  people  yielded  the  kingship  to  a chosen  leader.  Now, 
however,  anybody  may  aspire  to  be  a king. 

Wong  Li-chow  especially  bewailed  the  abolition  of 
the  premiership.  The  Neo-Confucianists,  who  exag- 
gerated royal  power,  were  opposed  to  the  king’s  sharing 
his  authority  with  a responsible  prime  minister.  For- 
merly the  kings  were  only  the  first  of  officers,  but  in 
later  days  they  became  so  vain  through  flattery  that 
they  considered  it  beneath  themselves  to  be  ranked 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  131 


together  with  other  public  servants.  So  the  important 
position  of  premier  was  abolished.  Under  the  old 
regime  there  was  mutual  respect  and  confidence  between 
king  and  officers,  and  the  sovereign  showed  special  re- 
gard for  the  ability  and  importance  of  the  prime  min- 
ister. Little  by  little,  however,  the  king  came  to  believe 
that  the  officers  were  created  exclusively  to  serve  him, 
rather  than  to  assist  him  in  serving  the  state.  Thus  the 
original  idea  of  public  service  was  lost,  and  officialdom 
as  well  as  royalty  suffers  in  consequence.  A very  serious 
result,  too,  is  that  in  case  the  heir  is  a minor  there  occurs 
an  interregnum  in  which  the  Government  is  rarely  in 
efficient  hands.  In  ancient  time  the  kingship  was  virt- 
ually elective,  open  only  to  those  who  were  most  not- 
able for  character  and  ability.  At  a later  period  the  evils 
of  hereditary  kingship  were  still  somewhat  counterbal- 
anced and  a shadow  of  the  ancient  principle  of  an  elective 
royal  head  was  preserved  in  the  premiership.  Now  even 
this  has  been  abolished  and  there  is  nothing  to  take  its 
place.  The  grand  councilors  are  only  the  private  secret- 
aries of  the  monarch;  they  entirely  follow  the  wishes  of 
the  court,  and  have  not  the  personal  importance  and 
responsibility  of  a great  public  official.  As  a matter  of 
fact,  the  retainers  and  attendants  of  the  court,  men  with- 
out public  character  and  responsibility,  have  under  this 
system  come  to  exercise  the  ministerial  power.  The 
supreme  influence  in  government  must  rest  somewhere, 
and  it  is  but  natural  for  the  court  attendants  to  step 


132  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


into  the  place  left  open  through  the  abolition  of  the 
prime-ministership,  and  to  exercise  the  powers  of  pun- 
ishing, pardoning,  appointing,  and  administering  public 
affairs.  The  grand  council  is  itself  dependent  upon  the 
good  will  of  these  underlings.  Thus  the  corruption  of 
the  entire  administrative  system  is  due  to  this  change. 
It  is  only  when  the  Emperor  is  surrounded  by  great  and 
responsible  personalities,  men  of  influence  and  power, 
that  he  can  be  induced  to  follow  the  exalted  example  of 
the  ancient  rulers.1 

The  writings  of  Wong  Li-chow  are  read  at  present 
with  great  interest,  not  only  because  they  set  forth  the 
ancient  ideals  of  public  life,  but  because  the  evils  they 
describe  notoriously  abound  in  the  circles  that  are  power- 
ful in  the  Empire.  But  from  the  depressing  diagnosis  of 
Wong  Li-chow  and  the  pessimistic  inactivity  of  later 
Taoism,  the  Chinese  have  turned  with  joy  and  hope  to 
the  pages  of  Wang  Yang-ming,  a great  writer  who  flour- 
ished under  the  Ming  Dynasty.  He  was  a philosopher 
who  embodied  his  theories  in  his  character  and  tested 
them  by  action,  when,  as  a general,  he  commanded  the 
imperial  forces  in  putting  down  rebellion,  and  when,  as 
an  administrator,  he  governed  the  people.  His  philo- 
sophy is  informed  by  the  practical  knowledge  acquired  in 
a long,  active  life.  This  philosopher  of  action  had  fallen 

1 The  translation  of  the  writings  of  Wong  Li-chow,  Wang  Yang- 
ming,  and  Tan  Sze-tong,  upon  which  summitries  in  this  chapter 
are  based,  was  made  for  the  author  by  Mr.  Tsai  Chu-tung.  - 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  133 


into  relative  oblivion  in  China,  when,  a century  ago, 
the  Japanese  rediscovered  him  and  found  in  his  pages 
the  inspiration  that  carried  them  far  on  the  way  to  new 
national  life  and  strength.  His  works  were  at  that  time, 
and  have  been  since,  read  even  more  intently  in  Japan 
than  those  of  Confucius  himself,  and  among  his  latter- 
day  followers  Admiral  Togo  is  cited  as  a most  ardent 
devotee.  His  revival  in  China  is  even  more  recent,  fall- 
ing within  the  last  decade;  but  the  Chinese  found  in  him 
what  they  needed  most,  inspiration  to  an  active  life  and 
to  what  would  be,  compared  to  their  former  passive  atti- 
tude, aggressive  firmness.  His  works  are  no  longer  stud- 
ied only  by  the  learned,  but  they  are  being  multiplied 
in  thousands  on  thousands  of  copies  and  spread  broad- 
cast over  the  land,  so  that  every  schoolboy  is  becoming 
familiar  with  the  old  Ming  general  and  philosopher. 
A certain  insight  into  his  ideas  is  essential  to  an  under- 
standing of  the  present  temper  of  the  Chinese  people. 
Wang  Yang-ming  has  suddenly  become  a modern  author 
in  China.  We  shall,  therefore,  go  a little  more  fully  into 
the  theories  of  this  writer  than  has  so  far  been  done  in 
any  Western  language. 

The  thought  of  Wang  Yang-ming  contains  two  car- 
dinal principles,  — one,  the  theory  that  knowledge  and 
practice  must  not  be  divorced,  the  other,  that  every  man 
with  his  individual  mind  should  strive  to  investigate  the 
principles  of  things  in  themselves.  His  practical  philo- 
sophy is,  therefore,  a combination  of  what  later  became 


134  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


known  in  the  West  as  Positivism  and  Pragmatism.  In 
these  practical  implications  of  the  philosopher’s  doc- 
trine lies  the  secret  of  his  great  importance  to  the  pre- 
sent age,  when  a philosophy  of  action  is  called  for,  and 
when  the  Far  East  is  becoming  wearied  of  the  crush- 
ing weight  of  authority.  Wang  Yang-ming  stands  for 
individuality  in  reasoning,  for  the  application  of  an  in- 
dividual criterion  to  the  phenomena  of  life.  Each  mind  is 
to  work  out  its  problems  on  the  basis  of  its  own  nature ; 
trueness  to  life  and  to  one’s  self  is  what  he  insists  upon. 
But  the  knowledge  thus  acquired  must  be  subjected  to 
the  test  of  action;  only  thus  can  it  be  proven  to  have 
more  than  a subjective  validity.  The  life  of  contempla- 
tion must  be  supplemented  by  the  life  of  action.  It  is 
this  call  to  action  that  is  so  stirring  to  the  contemporary 
Oriental  world. 

In  considering  the  philosophical  doctrine  of  Wang 
Yang-ming  in  its  entirety,  we  shall,  however,  be  im- 
pressed with  his  moderation.  The  principle  of  individual- 
ism, which  we  have  seen  to  be  inherent  in  his  practical 
philosophy,  he  modifies  by  insisting  upon  the  need  of 
general  human  sympathy.  In  many  ways  his  philosophy 
is  representative  rather  than  original.  He  is  representa- 
tive of  his  own  times,  and  was  moreover  especially  influ- 
enced by  certain  philosophers  of  the  Sung  Dynasty, 
such  as  Chang  Ye-chuan  and  Loo  Hsiang-shan,  adopting 
from  them  the  ideas  concerning  the  individuality  of 
every  man’s  own  nature  and  mind.  Details  in  his  thought 


THE  CIHNESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  135 


will  recall,  not  only  other  Chinese  philosophers,  but  also 
Western  thinkers  like  Plato,  Descartes,  and  Hegel. 
Nevertheless  Wang  Yang-ming’s  philosophy  is  of  un- 
doubted originality  in  its  point  of  view  and  in  the  spe- 
cific and  harmonious  character  which  the  philosopher 
has  given  his  thought.  His  treatment  is  profound  and 
his  individual  arguments  are  most  effective. 

Mind,  according  to  Wang  Yang-ming,  is  the  sole 
universal  and  rational  principle  which  is  actualized  in 
the  multiplicity  of  individual  forces  and  existences  in 
the  material  world.  As  the  latter  is  simply  an  external 
manifestation  or  product  of  reason,  so  the  relation  of 
mind  to  matter  is  described  by  Wang  Yang-ming  as  that 
of  root  to  effloresence,  of  unity  to  multiplicity,  and  of 
reality  to  phenomenon.  In  this  sense  he  interprets  the 
ancient  saying  that  “Man  is  the  heart  of  the  universe,” 
a different  phase  of  Descartes’s  thought,  “Cogito  ergo 
sum”  But  in  virtue  of  the  principle  of  vitality,  mind  is 
itself  pluralized.  In  the  midst  of  a plurality  of  visible 
existences,  our  mind  may  easily  lose  its  former  identity 
and  is  therefore  liable  to  corruption.  The  means  to 
avoid  this,  W’ang  Yang-ming  works  out  in  his  practical 
philosophy.  Reason  he  also  calls  the  absolute  principle, 
and  he  holds  that  reason  alone  exists,  anticipating 
Hegel’s  similar  theory  stated  in  the  reverse, that  whatever 
is,  is  reasonable.  Viewed  from  its  actualization,  reason  is 
called  Nature;  from  its  ever  unceasing  changes,  it  is 
called  Fate  or  Destiny;  from  its  character  as  design  or 


136  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 

order  (cosmos),  it  is  called  God;  from  its  conscious  in- 
dividuality, it  is  called  Mind.  All  these  are  but  different 
denominations  for  one  and  the  same  reality.  Mind  is 
thus  noble  of  origin  and  connected  in  its  most  intimate 
being  with  the  divine,  rational,  all-seeing,  all-knowing. 
Knowledge  is  its  innate  attribute  and  its  very  essence, 
as  it  involves  the  grasp  within  it  of  all  existence.  More- 
over, all  the  virtues,  such  as  uprightness,  temperance, 
and  justice,  are  but  different  phases  of  the  activity  of 
mind  in  its  relation  with  that  of  other  individuals.  Just 
as  the  same  man  may  be  father  in  respect  to  one  and  son 
in  respect  to  another  person  and  yet  retain  his  identity, 
so  virtues,  with  all  their  varied  demands  on  character, 
are  but  the  expression  of  the  relation  of  an  unchanging 
mind  to  others.  Self-centred  mind  is,  therefore,  the  sole 
criterion  of  everything  in  the  universe.  As  long  as  mind 
is  in  its  original  uncorrupted  state,  we  can  and  should 
reject  whatever  is  not  consistent  with  it,  even  when  it  is 
maintained  by  Confucius,  and  accept  whatever  is  consist- 
ent with  it,  although  it  may  come  from  the  lowliest  of 
human  creatures.  Never  before  was  the  independence 
of  individual  mind  from  authority,  in  all  its  decisions 
and  judgments,  so  strongly  asserted  in  Chinese  literature. 

As  mind  dwells  in  a sensuous  body,  and  is,  therefore, 
subject  to  be  influenced  by  impressions  and  desires,  it  is 
constantly  in  danger  of  allowing  its  identity  to  be  swal- 
lowed up.  Moreover,  the  continuous  effort  to  maintain 
one’s  individuality  in  the  face  of  antagonistic  and  oppos- 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  137 


ing  elements,  tends  to  obscure  and  destroy  the  feeling  of 
spiritual  unity  among  different  individuals.  When  this 
feeling  of  homogeneity  has  been  weakened,  the  unity  of 
mind  is  split  up  by  individual  desires  and  loses  its  force ; 
therefore,  the  way  to  preserve  one’s  mind  in  its  original 
quality  and  brightness  is  to  retain  the  feeling  of  identity 
of  all  mind,  by  cultivating  sympathy  and  compassion 
with  others.  The  ideal  man  in  the  true  sense  of  the  word 
is  he  who  is  conscious  of  the  essential  identity  of  his 
mind  with  reason  and,  therefore,  with  the  external 
world,  including  all  sentient  or  insentient  beings.  Such 
a man  makes  no  distinction  between  you  and  me,  be- 
tween his  own  body  and  that  of  his  neighbor,  but  looks 
upon  them  all  alike  as  the  expression  of  the  same  inherent 
force  and  eternal  principle.  Sympathy  is,  therefore,  in- 
nate in  mind  and  is  an  essential  quality  of  it.  If  no 
obstacle  is  placed  in  the  way  of  the  activity  of  the  mind, 
sympathy  is  ever  present ; but  when  we  forget  all  others 
in  the  pursuance  of  our  own  selfish  interests,  we  limit  our 
mind  and  exclude  ourselves  from  reason  by  restricting 
our  fellow-feeling.  But  even  in  such  cases  the  original 
mind  still  remains  active,  and  on  some  occasions  flashes 
its  intelligence  upon  us,  giving  us  an  opportunity  to  re- 
claim our  true  self.  It  will  be  seen  that  Wang  Yang- 
ming’s  insistence  upon  the  free  action  of  mind  in  the 
individual  is  limited  by  the  conception,  common  through- 
out the  Orient,  that  all  existence  is  identical,  and  that 
there  is,  therefore,  no  real  distinction  between  indiv- 


138  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


iduals.  Their  suffering,  as  their  joy,  is  common,  and  to 
cut  one’s  self  off  from  this  unity  in  isolation  and  in  the 
pursuit  of  self-seeking  aims  is  to  suffer  a loss  of  the  true 
quality  of  mind  or  reason.  In  the  Indian  epic,  the  sage 
persuades  the  opposing  armies  to  abstain  from  warfare 
by  proving  to  them  their  identity  with  each  other;  this 
same  idea  inspires  the  Chinese  general  and  man  of  ac- 
tion, though  he  is  the  greatest  Oriental  individualist. 

The  belief  in  the  common  bond  of  humanity  moder- 
ates also  Wang  Yang-ming’s  philosophy  of  action, 
which  is  developed  in  the  following  terms : The  mind  is 
in  direct  possession  of  true  knowledge/ which  cannot 
be  separated  from  action,  but  is  constantly  striving  to 
express  itself  in  deeds.  “Knowing  is  the  motive  of  act- 
ing; and  action,  the  realization  of  knowing.  Knowledge 
is  the  beginning  of  action,  and  acting  is  the  completion 
of  knowing.”  Though  a man  may  say  that  he  knows  the 
duty  to  be  obedient  to  his  father  and  faithful  to  his 
friend ; yet,  unless  he  can  translate  into  action  what  he 
thinks  and  what  he  knows,  he  cannot  be  said  truly  to 
possess  that  knowledge.  To  say  that  we  know  a thing 
without  having  tested  it  by  action  or  being  ready  to 
test  it  in  that  manner  is  self-deceit,  and  such  self-deceit 
is  a betrayal  of  our  humanity.  It  is  this  part  of  Wang 
Yang-ming’s  philosophy  that  has  sounded  a trumpet 
call  to  action;  its  stirring  impulse  is  being  felt  by  all  the 
Far  Eastern  nations.  Quietism,  renunciation,  and  other 
inert  modes  of  thought  and  temper  are  abandoned  in 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  139 


favor  of  a more  active  and  aggressive  conduct  of  life. 
It  is  certainly  a remarkable  instance  of  common  impulses 
moving  the  entire  civilized  world,  when  such  theories  of 
the  actualization  of  thought  are  acclaimed  in  the  Orient 
at  the  same  time  when  the  philosophical  and  ethical 
thinkers  of  the  West  are  being  attracted  by  Pragmatism. 

The  high  favor  which  Wang  Yang-ming’s  writings  are 
enjoying  with  the  Chinese  public  at  the  present  time  is 
due  in  part  also  to  his  belief  in  equality  among  men. 
He  arrives  at  this  position  from  the  point  of  view  of 
rationalism.  As  we  have  seen,  he  considers  mind  as  the 
same  in  all  human  beings,  obstructed  in  some  by  vice 
and  lack  of  firm  endeavor,  in  others  revealing  itself  in 
greater  purity  and  strength;  but  in  all  equal  as  to  its 
essential  qualities.  All  differences  in  human  minds  are 
artificial  and  the  result  of  long-continued  diversity  of 
training.  It  is  this  belief  in  the  fundamental  equality 
of  men  that  attracts  to  Wang  Yang-ming  those  who 
are  striving  for  democracy.  The  intellectualism  of 
Confucius  is  very  aristocratic  in  the  tendencies  it  has 
developed  in  Chinese  life.  Like  Buddha  and  like  Christ, 
Wang  Yang-ming  believes  in  equality;  but  his  Chinese 
followers  point  out  that  his  theory  does  not  rest  upon 
mystic  elements,  such  as  the  universal  fatherhood  of 
God  in  Christianity,  but  is  a purely  rational  doctrine 
derived  from  the  character  of  the  human  mind  itself. 

The  tendencies  of  modem  Chinese  thought  are  con- 
cretely illustrated  in  the  career  of  a man,  who,  called  to 


140  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


high  office  at  a critical  time,  sealed  his  beliefs  with  his 
own  life-blood.  Of  the  six  martyrs  who  laid  down  their 
lives  on  the  scaffold  after  the  coup  d’etat  in  1908,  Tan 
Sze-tong  is  the  most  conspicuous,  both  in  character  and 
in  learning.  He  sprang  from  an  ancient  and  illustrious 
clan  in  Hunan.  His  father,  who  had  held  important 
positions  of  honor  and  trust,  including  the  governorship 
of  Hupeh,  was  a man  of  strict  integrity,  but  of  conserv- 
ative views.  Tan  Sze-tong’s  early  life  was  far  from  happy, 
for  his  mother  died  when  he  was  a small  boy,  and  he  was 
left  dependent  upon  a stepmother,  who  had  no  love  or 
consideration  for  him.  But  the  bitterness  of  these  years, 
which  might  have  made  other  men  spiritless,  became  a 
blessing  in  his  case.  He  emerged  from  it  a hardy, 
thoughtful,  and  strong-willed  youth.  In  his  later  days 
he  told  Liang  Chi-chao  that,  had  he  not  been  left  under 
the  harsh  rule  of  his  stepmother,  he  could  never  have 
understood  the  depth  of  misery  to  which  humanity  is 
subjected.  Tan  Sze-tong  used  his  time  to  such  advantage 
that  at  the  age  of  twenty  he  was  well  versed  in  ancient 
philosophy  and  the  classics,  and  had  won  distinction 
in  his  province  as  a forceful  and  deep  writer.  He  was 
fond  of  athletic  exercise,  worshiped  chivalry,  and  was 
skillful  in  sword-fight. 

Tan  Sze-tong  prepared  himself  to  understand  the 
world  he  lived  in  by  making  extensive  travels  through- 
out China  proper,  Chinese  Turkestan,  and  Formosa, 
carefully  studying  the  local  conditions  in  all  the  places 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  141 


he  visited.  At  the  close  of  the  Chino-Japanese  War  he 
had  come  fully  to  realize  the  weakness  of  his  country 
and  the  necessity  of  reform.  Entering  upon  leadership 
in  many  directions,  he  established  educational  associa- 
tions in  his  native  province  and  founded  normal  schools 
and  a military  academy.  He  inspired  the  local  govern- 
ment with  new  life,  urged  the  importance  of  opening 
mines  and  building  the  Canton-Hankow  Railway,  and 
established  a steamship  service  on  the  local  rivers.  He 
gave  frequent  public  lectures,  and  at  regular  intervals 
discussed  political  and  economic  questions  with  the 
scholars  of  the  capital  of  Hunan.  Hearing  that  Kang 
Yu-wei  had  formed  a “self-help  league”  in  Peking  and 
Shanghai,  he  went  to  the  latter  town  for  an  interview 
with  the  leader.  After  a long  conversation,  Tan  Sze- 
tong  declared  himself  to  be  Kang’s  disciple  and  pledged 
himself  to  support  his  master’s  policy.  In  1908,  when 
the  Emperor  was  collecting  his  reform  cabinet,  Tan  was 
summoned  to  Peking;  and  after  a brief  audience,  he  was 
appointed  to  the  Grand  Council,  together  with  Lin  Yo, 
Yang  Yu,  and  Lu  Kang-te,  the  other  men  who  were  de- 
stined to  be  martyrs  in  the  coup  d’etat.  With  his  support- 
ers in  the  Council,  Kang  Yu-wei  hurried  to  put  into 
execution  his  long-cherished  reform  schemes,  persuading 
the  Emperor  to  issue  the  well-known  edicts.  But  the 
opposition  to  these  innovations  was  so  strong  that  the 
reformers  feared  the  Empress  would  be  carried  back  to 
power  unless  they  succeeded  in  forcing  her  into  absolute 


142  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


seclusion.  They  counted  on  Yuan  Shih-kai  to  assist  with 
his  troops,  and  Tan  communicated  to  him  the  secret 
policy  they  were  pursuing.  The  outcome  was  disaster 
to  the  reformers,  as  Yuan  cast  his  lot  with  the  partisans 
of  the  Empress  Dowager. 

This  fatal  reverse  was  borne  by  the  reformers  in  a 
dignified  spirit,  and  Tan  Sze-tong  exhibited  in  these  dark 
days  the  noblest  side  of  his  character.  During  the  last 
critical  time,  when  it  was  known  that  the  Empress 
Dowager  had  reassumed  power,  some  distinguished 
Japanese  scholars  advised  Tan  to  escape  to  Japan  with 
them.  To  this  invitation  he  replied  in  the  following 
words:  “We  need  men  to  perpetuate  our  policy;  we  also 
need  men  to  die  for  the  purpose  of  showing  our  apprecia- 
tion of  what  the  Emperor  has  done.  Liang  Chi-chao  is 
now  in  the  Japanese  Legation,  and  will  thus  be  able  to 
preserve  our  policy,  so  I shall  take  upon  myself  the  other 
duty  — that  of  dying;  moreover,  martyrdom  must  al- 
ways precede  revolution.  The  weakness  of  China  is  due 
to  the  fact  that  there  have  been  no  martyrs  for  the  cause 
of  freedom  and  reform.  Shall  I not  be  the  first  martyr?  ” 
We  here  encounter  an  expression  of  that  deep  faith  in 
the  value  of  sacrifice  which  is  so  common  in  contempo- 
rary China.  Tan  waited  for  his  arrest  in  his  room  for 
two  days.  Both  in  prison  and  on  the  execution  ground 
he  maintained  his  usual  calmness  and  was  most  cheerful, 
as  if  he  were  going  to  his  reward. 

Tan  Sze-tong’s  philosophy  is  a combination  of  Con- 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  143 


fucianism,  Christian  ideals,  and  Buddhism,  with,  how- 
ever, particular  preference  for  the  latter.  He  wrote  quite 
extensively,  but  his  thought  is  best  expounded  in  a little 
volume  styled  Benevolence.  He  agrees  with  the  three 
great  religions  named  above  in  the  conception  that 
benevolence,  sympathy,  and  love  are  the  foundation  of 
all  virtue  in  social  relations.  In  its  practical  applica- 
tion, this  benevolence  calls  for  the  abolition  of  all  arti- 
ficial arrangements  restricting  free  intercourse,  mutual 
service,  and  helpfulness  among  men. 

Our  writer  first  applies  these  general  principles  to  the 
field  of  commerce,  and  pronounces  himself  most  strongly 
in  favor  of  free  trade  among  nations.  The  advantages 
which  commerce  gives  to  the  seller  and  the  buyer  are 
equal  in  quantity  and  quality,  though  different  in  form. 
Thus,  when  Western  nations  ask  for  world-wide  trade, 
they  confer  a benefit  on  all  mankind.  Their  commerce 
benefits  the  Chinese  as  well  as  themselves;  though  the 
balance  of  trade  should  be  against  China,  it  is  still  to 
her  advantage  to  keep  up  the  trade,  for  in  that  case  the 
Westerners  would  supply  economic  wants  which  must 
be  satisfied  and  would  receive  in  return  only  money, 
which,  by  itself,  cannot  appease  hunger  nor  quench 
thirst.  It  may  be  argued  that  the  purchasing  power  of  a 
country  is  destroyed  after  the  exhaustion  of  its  money 
supply.  This  theory  may  be  true  with  regard  to  coun- 
tries that  have  no  mines,  but  it  cannot  be  applied  to 
China  whose  mineral  resources  are  beyond  estimation. 


’ 14:4  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 

Why  should  not  China  let  her  people  open  all  her  mines 
for  the  benefit  of  herself  and  of  the  world  at  large?  It  is 
only  the  foolish  and  the  drones  that  ascribe  the  poverty 
of  China  to  her  intercourse  with  the  outer  world. 

There  are  two  aspects  or  phases  of  the  policy  which 
should  be  adopted  to  regulate  the  relations  of  China 
to  foreign  countries.  The  first  is  to  foster  industry,  to 
encourage  business,  to  stimulate  manufactures,  and  to 
open  the  country  to  the  outer  world.  Under  this  policy 
China  shall  be  able  to  give  something  to  the  rest  of  man- 
kind in  return  for  what  it  receives.  There  will  then  be 
an  equal  distribution  of  wealth  throughout  the  world 
and  we  shall  at  no  time  find  ourselves  in  want.  The 
second  policy  is  for  the  Chinese  to  concentrate  upon  up- 
lifting and  helping  themselves;  though  it  may  seem  less 
noble  than  the  first  one,  this  should  not  be  considered  as 
a narrow,  selfish  course  of  action,  for  self-help  is  only 
another  form  of  benefiting  others.  Whoever  helps  him- 
self, relieves  his  former  benefactors  from  taking  care  of 
him,  and  thus  enables  them  to  direct  into  new  channels 
the  energies  hitherto  spent  to  help  him.  A man  lives 
in  the  world  for  others,  as  well  as  for  himself.  Even  so, 
if  a nation  should  daily  receive  benefit  from  the  outside 
without  thinking  of  making  any  return  and  should 
remain  in  a position  of  idleness  and  poverty,  it  is  un- 
pardonably  guilty  of  violating  a fundamental  principle 
of  natural  law:  namely,  the  reciprocity  of  services.  In 
this  case  the  outer  world  would  be  justified  in  extinguish- 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  145 


ing  the  existence  of  such  a country.  So  benevolence 
means  free  intercourse  between  all  peoples  in  all  things. 
China  has  a duty  to  mankind  which  she  must  perform 
sooner  or  later.  She  must  strengthen  and  reform  her 
organization  so  as  to  be  able  to  do  her  part  in  the  work 
of  the  world. 

In  the  second  part  of  Benevolence,  Tan  Sze-tong 
attacks  absolute  monarchy  most  relentlessly,  reflecting 
the  social  contract  theory  of  Rousseau  and  the  ideas  of 
independent  public  action  developed  by  Wang  Yang- 
ming  and  Wang  Li-chow.  As  the  form  of  absolutism 
which  exists  in  China  to-day  was  established  as  the  result 
of  indifferentism  on  the  part  of  the  people  in  matters  of 
politics  and  their  generally  peaceful  and  non-assertive 
nature,  he  looks  for  the  salvation  of  China  in  the  revival 
of  the  ancient  spirit  of  chivalry.  As  the  love  of  country 
increases,  the  pliant  attachment  to  absolute  rule  will 
pass  away.  He  holds  the  Government  responsible  for 
the  humiliations  and  indignities  which  the  outer  world 
has  inflicted  on  China.  Then  follows  a very  complex 
passage  in  which  the  author’s  pride  in  the  great  poten- 
tialities of  his  country  and  his  sense  of  justice  and  love 
of  freedom  form  a singular  combination.  China  is  weak, 
indeed,  but  he  feels  that  it  is  a good  thing  for  the  world 
that  she  is  weak  while  still  governed  under  absolutist 
principles.  He  says,  “It  is  fortunate  for  humanity  that 
the  Chinese  soldiers  did  not  and  could  not  fight.  If  the 
Chinese  army  were  as  strong  as  the  German,  and  the 


146  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Chinese  navy  as  efficient  as  the  English,  woe  were  to  the 
world ! The  white  race,  the  black,  and  the  brown  must 
then  be  doomed.  A government  which  considers  it  right 
to  oppress  its  own  people  could  not  tolerate  any  other 
nations.  For  this  reason  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that 
God  has  willed  that  the  outer  world  should  slight,  harass, 
and  insult  us,  and  overthrow  us  altogether;  nor  is  it  an 
irony  to  assert  that,  in  causing  us  to  appear  weak  and 
miserable  to  the  world,  God  is  only  doing  the  best  He 
can  for  our  own  good;  He  confers  upon  us  a benefit  under 
the  guise  of  misfortune.  Unfortunately  for  China,  as 
well  as  for  the  rest  of  the  world,  the  Chinese  are  now 
crying  for  vengeance.  Such  an  attitude  shows  our  fail- 
ure in  justly  measuring  ourselves  and  can  result  only  in 
hindrance  to  our  natural  growth.” 

In  the  remaining  pages  of  this  little  work,  Tan  com- 
pares the  relative  merits  and  the  possible  effects  of  the 
three  religions,  Christianity,  Confucianism,  and  Bud- 
dhism. While  recognizing  the  merit  of  each  and  seeing 
that  they  all  aim  at  the  same  object,  — namely,  uni- 
versal salvation,  — he  regards  Buddhism  as  the  best  in 
theory  and  easiest  of  application.  He  says  that  Buddhism 
not  only  levels  to  the  ground  all  forms  of  casual  inequal- 
ity, but  also  leaves  a man  free  from  the  restraint  of 
the  artificial  conception  of  Heaven  and  Hell,  which  is 
characteristic  of  Christianity.  The  superiority  of  Bud- 
hism  he  ascribes  to  the  condition  of  the  time  when  it 
originated.  The  thought  of  this  man,  truly  Oriental  in 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  147 


elements  and  form,  nevertheless  yields  a result  which, 
together  with  his  action  during  his  life  and  the  temper 
of  his  martyrdom,  gives  us  an  insight  into  the  com- 
plexity of  the  present  Chinese  intellectual  temper,  and 
indicates  the  many  points  which,  with  all  differences, 
it  has  in  common  with  our  own  ideas.  Tan  Sze-tong  is 
an  energist  like  Wang  Yang-ming,  but  his  desire  for 
strength  and  efficiency  is  moderated  by  a deep  sense  of 
justice  and  the  belief  in  sympathy  and  benevolence. 
These  men,  who  are  trying  to  build  up  and  rejuvenate 
the  forces  of  the  most  ancient  empire,  are  not  animated 
by  the  unbridled  ambition  of  a Napoleon;  they  would  not 
follow  Nietzsche  in  his  extreme  views;  but  their  thought, 
with  all  its  longing  for  energy  and  strength,  carries  in  it 
the  feeling  of  a deep  human  sympathy. 

Another  writer  whose  ideas  are  important  in  the  com- 
position of  contemporary  intellectual  life  in  China  is 
Chang  Pin-lin,  who  is  reputed  the  leader  of  Chinese 
philosophical  revolutionists.  He  is  editor  of  The  People, 
the  principal  organ  of  the  revolutionary  party,  and  has 
written  extensively  both  in  the  form  of  editorials  and 
books.  The  complete  system  of  philosophy  is  set  forth 
in  a book  called  Chin  (reconstruction).  It  is  interesting 
to  note  the  attitude  of  this  thinker  towards  Confucius. 
While  he  gives  Confucianism  credit  for  its  undoubted 
merits,  he  asserts  that  this  system  is  not  in  itself  a suf- 
ficient safeguard  against  political  corruption  and  moral 
perversion.  Indeed,  Confucius  set  himself  against  the 


148  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


manner  in  which  the  aristocrats  of  his  time  monopolized 
the  whole  power  of  government  and  attempted  to  train 
his  disciples  in  political  action.  He  even  succeeded  in 
reducing  the  power  of  the  privileged  class  and  in  secur- 
ing some  political  rights  to  the  common  people,  but  he 
was  too  peaceful  and  timid  a man  to  enter  upon  a move- 
ment for  the  entire  overthrow  of  oligarchic  power.  So  he 
turned  out  advisers,  but  not  masters;  he  manufactured 
servants,  but  not  men.  The  result  of  his  teaching  in 
China  has  been  to  spread  the  belief  that  a man’s  ability 
to  render  service  to  mankind  is  completely  dependent 
upon  his  success  in  securing  a position  under  a prince. 
“Office  fever”  and  “money  disease”  are  the  fatal  evils 
with  which  the  Chinese  body-politic  has  long  been  in- 
fested; and  they  are  not  discouraged  by  Confucianism. 

Chang  Pin-lin  is  convinced  that  the  chief  need  of 
China  in  the  present  crisis  is  strong  religious  feeling; 
and  it  is  in  Buddhism  that  he  sees  those  elements  which 
are  most  in  harmony  with  the  aspirations  of  an  Oriental 
democracy.  He  admires  especially  the  social  ideals  of 
Buddhism,  its  belief  in  absolute  equality  among  men 
based  upon  the  essential  being  of  human  nature,  the 
exalted  spirit  of  independence  which  it  imparts,  as  well 
as  its  teachings  on  service  and  sacrifice.  The  identifica- 
tion of  mind  with  Buddha  he  considers  of  especial  value, 
because  it  exalts  and  dignifies  each  individual  as  having 
within  himself  the  highest  principle  of  thought  and  life. 
This  view  recalls  the  ideas  of  Wang- Yang  ming,  and  it 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  149 


is,  of  course,  also  related  to  Stoic  thought  and  to  modern 
rationalism.  It  is  interesting  to  see  how  Chang  recon- 
ciles the  spirit  of  nationalism  with  the  universal  love  and 
brotherhood  of  the  Buddhist  ideal.  He  interprets  na- 
tionalism as  a desire  of  the  people  to  free  themselves 
from  all  oppression  that  violates  human  nature,  retards 
progress,  and  creates  artificial  inequalities.  In  his  view, 
nationalism  must  pursue  universal  moral  aims  in  order 
to  justify  itself.  This  shows  that  Chang  Pin-lin  is  essen- 
tially a humanitarian  who  looks  upon  national  organiza- 
tion as  only  a means  toward  a higher  and  more  compre- 
hensive purpose. 

In  looking  back  over  the  elements  which  Chinese  lit- 
erature and  traditions  supply  in  the  present  critical 
times,  we  see  in  them  a wealth  of  materials  from  which 
many  tendencies  of  thought  and  action  might  draw  in- 
spiration. Yet  the  temper  of  China  at  present  is  such 
that  all  these  older  traditions  and  philosophies  will  be 
read  from  the  point  of  view  of  extensive  popular  rights 
in  the  government  of  the  Empire.  As  Neo-Confucianism 
interpreted  the  classics  so  as  to  favor  the  growth  of 
absolute  power,  this  new  revival  of  Chinese  nationalism 
will  seek  in  them  strong  and  decided  support  for  popular 
rights.  The  idea  of  a kingship  of  limited  authority, 
based  upon  public  service  and  surrounded  by  respons- 
ible and  capable  ministers,  is  in  accord  with  modem 
demands.  The  Emperor  is  still  the  Son  of  Heaven,  but 
that  title  indicates  high  duties,  rather  than  exclusive 


150  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


and  invidious  privileges.  The  Government  must  exert 
its  powers,  not  for  the  gathering  of  means  for  the  satis- 
faction of  the  selfish  desires  of  officials  and  rulers,  but 
for  the  development  of  the  country  and  the  welfare  of 
the  people  at  large.  Before  arriving  at  important  deci- 
sions, it  will  allow  itself  to  be  guided  by  public  opinion 
expressed  now  more  perfectly  in  institutions  of  a parlia- 
mentary character.  Such,  in  outline,  are  the  political 
ideals  of  the  present  which  seek  and  find  support  in  the 
older  traditions  of  the  Chinese  Empire.  But  they  also  rest 
upon  a continued  popular  practice,  as  will  be  brought 
out  in  the  chapter  on  the  constitutional  movement. 
Revolution  in  China  has  always  been  looked  upon  as  an 
entirely  legal  procedure;  in  almost  the  same  way  as  it  was 
viewed  by  Locke,  who  saw  in  it  the  enforcement  of  a 
higher  law  through  joint  action  and  common  consent. 

Adherence  to  the  ancient  ideals  of  Chinese  polity  is 
interpreted  in  many  different  ways  by  the  various  groups 
into  which  Chinese  men  of  thought  and  action  are 
divided.  All  but  the  crassest  reactionaries  are  ready  to 
reject  the  narrow  formula  of  Neo-Confucianism  and  go 
back  to  the  original  fountain-head  in  the  writings  of  the 
sage.  The  hard  crust  of  artificial  interpretation  is  thus 
broken,  and  thought  is  brought  into  more  direct  relation 
to  the  needs  of  life,  viewed  from  many  different  angles. 
The  Constitutional  Reform  Party  values  the  teachings 
of  Confucius  for  the  moral  ideals  they  contain,  rather 
than  for  the  specific  forms  of  government  therein  de- 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  151 


scribed.  While  human  nature  is  ever  the  same,  subject 
to  the  same  moral  duties  and  practical  requirements, 
the  conditions  of  life  are  always  changing  and  to  them 
the  forms  and  practices  of  government  have  to  be 
adjusted.  Thus,  while  the  men  wrho  hold  this  opinion 
retain  the  monarchical  principle  so  strongly  established 
in  Confucianism,  they  insist  upon  the  creation  of  a real 
parliament  with  more  than  advisory  powers,  which 
would  reconcile  the  existence  of  imperial  office  with 
popular  rights.  Confucian  standards  are  thus  not  slav- 
ishly followed,  but  applied  with  a great  sense  of  freedom 
to  the  present  conditions  of  Chinese  public  life.  It  is  but 
natural  that  the  interpretation  given  to  the  ideas  of  the 
sage,  as  well  as  the  apportionment  of  emphasis,  should 
be  governed  by  the  dominating  desire  for  effective  pop- 
ular institutions.  While  adhering  to  Chinese  traditions 
and  desiring  their  permanence,  the  moderate  reform 
party  is,  therefore,  open  to  be  influenced  by  Western 
ideas  and  is  ready  to  accept  from  the  West  such  methods 
as  will  be  helpful  in  Chinese  development.  Incidentally 
the  classic  movement  of  to-day  stands  for  a much 
broader  interpretation  of  the  inherited  teachings.  The 
Confucian  revival  is  accompanied  by  an  inquiring  dis- 
position, by  a search  for  truth,  and  is  far  from  accepting 
uncritically  the  orthodox  interpretations  and  comment- 
aries of  the  past.  The  leaders  of  the  movement  seek  to 
apply  Confucian  thought  in  the  light  of  their  own  ex- 
perience and  with  reference  to  the  present  needs  of  China. 


152  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


There  is  another  movement  which  is  far  more  con- 
servative without  therefore  being  unintelligent.  Ku 
Hung-ming,  in  a brilliant  book  just  published,  calls  this 
tendency  the  “Chinese  Oxford  Movement,”  in  analogy 
to  the  opposition  which  Newman  led  against  the  new 
theology.  Chang  Chih-tung  was  the  man  who  most 
prominently  represented  this  tendency  in  public  life. 
Himself  one  of  the  select  experts  in  the  Chinese  classics, 
he  was,  indeed,  willing  to  accept  Western  industrial 
processes,  but  stood  for  the  maintenance  of  Confucian 
ethical  and  political  ideals.  Ku  Hung-ming,  who  sings 
his  praises,  nevertheless  brings  out  the  fact  that  the 
great  viceroy  really  favored  a double  morality,  that  of 
Confucianism  for  the  Chinese  as  individuals,  but  for  the 
nation,  the  adoption  of  the  new  learning  and  methods  of 
modem  Europe  with  their  intensely  competitive  tem- 
per. The  movement  here  described  has  its  stronghold 
among  the  Hanlin  scholars,  who,  as  an  imperial  academy, 
exercise  the  conscious  guardianship  of  Chinese  culture. 
Their  feelings  against  Western  civilization  are  quite 
intense.  They  abhor  its  materialistic  tendencies,  the  vul- 
garizing and  cheapening  effects  of  some  of  its  methods. 
According  to  Ku  Hung-ming,  the  moral  basis  for  the 
anti-foreign  spirit  of  the  true  Chinese  literati  is  that  they 
view  foreign  civilization  as  hideous,  vulgar,  and  demoral- 
izing. Their  interpretation  of  Confucianism  is,  there- 
fore, not  such  as  to  encourage  the  wholesale  adoption  of 
institutions  modeled  upon  Western  experience.  They 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  153 


admit  that  China  is  in  need  of  a movement  to  restore 
the  purity  of  her  moral  constitution,  but  they  are  not  so 
favorable  to  extending  the  idea  of  popular  consent  so  as 
to  shift  the  centre  of  governmental  authority  from  the 
imperial  administration  to  an  elective  parliament.  They 
might  accept  many  of  the  things  proposed  by  the  Con- 
stitutional Reform  Party,  but  their  whole  point  of  view 
is  different  and  their  aims  are  focused  upon  the  main- 
tenance of  Confucian  civilization  in  its  purity,  of  whose 
dynamic  possibilities  they  have  a high  conception,  as 
witness  the  words  of  Ku  Hung-ming:  “Confucianism, 
with  its  way  of  the  superior  man,  little  as  the  English- 
man suspects,  will  one  day  change  the  social  order  and 
break  up  the  civilization  of  Europe.” 

The  political  and  social  movements  of  modem  China 
are  not  accompanied  by  any  parallel  developments  in 
religious  feeling.  The  official  world  sees  in  Confucianism 
a sufficient  moral  and  religious  code  for  the  education  of 
Chinese  youth  and  does  not  show  any  special  interest  in 
any  other  forms  of  belief.  But  the  injunctions  of  Con- 
fucius constitute,  after  all,  to  follow  Ku  Hung-ming, 
“the  way  of  the  superior  man,”  a kind  of  Stoic’s  faith, 
although  they  have  also  influenced  the  masses  of  the 
population.  The  latter,  however,  find  less  sober  and 
sapient  beliefs  attractive,  and  have  turned  to  Buddhism, 
Taoism,  and  Mohammedanism.  The  restriction  of  the 
authority  of  the  Dalai  Lama  of  Thibet  — which  meant 
the  downfall  of  the  independent  political  power  of 


154  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Buddhism  — led  to  a certain  weakening  of  its  influence 
among  the  higher  classes  in  China,  with  whom,  indeed, 
it  had  never  been  very  strong.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  decline  of  the  superstitious  hierarchy  of  Thibet 
is  looked  upon  by  many  as  a blessing,  as  it  allows  the 
purer  forms  of  that  faith  to  assert  themselves  and  to 
develop  in  China.  That  a new  era  has  begun  for  Bud- 
dhism, not  only  in  southern  Asia,  but  also  in  China  and 
Japan,  is  apparent.  The  higher  elements  of  Buddhist 
philosophy  are  so  fully  in  accord  with  the  demands  of 
Western  science,  while  yet  so  completely  expressive  of 
Oriental  ideals  and  modes  of  thought,  that  throughout 
the  East  men  feel  a pride  in  calling  their  own  a system  so 
notable.  The  Buddhist  revival  is  now  only  in  it3  first 
stages,  and  it  is  too  early  for  us  to  be  able  to  form  a con- 
ception as  to  its  ultimate  bearing.  It  is,  however,  sig- 
nificant that  among  the  most  prominent  apostles  of  the 
nationalistic  movement  in  China,  there  are  a number 
who  accept  Buddhism  and  express  great  confidence  in  its 
future.  Such  are,  for  instance,  Chang  Pin-lin,  Liang 
Chi-chao,  and  Wong  Chi,  as  well  as  Tan  Sze-tong, 
among  the  martyrs  of  1898.  These  men  and  their  asso- 
ciates have  attempted  to  bring  Chinese  Buddhism  back 
to  the  older,  purer  form  of  worship  and  thought.  Just 
as  Confucianism  is  to  be  purified  of  unnecessary  and 
extraneous  elements  imposed  upon  it  through  the  inter- 
pretation of  centuries,  so  Buddhism  is  to  be  freed  from 
superstitious  and  unscientific  accessories. 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  155 


Of  all  Chinese  religions,  Taoism  has  fewest  friends 
among  the  progressives.  This  system  of  beliefs  and 
practices  has  departed  so  far  from  the  rational  stand- 
ards of  its  founder  that  it  is  utterly  incompatible  with 
scientific  knowledge,  unless  indeed  it  might  be  able  to 
undergo  a marvelous  regeneration.  The  growing  nation- 
alism of  China  demands  that  Taoism  should  render  itself 
more  pure  and  efficient,  and  turn  its  back  upon  those 
practices  which  are  irrational  and  superstitious.  It  has 
been  said  that  in  China,  Buddhism  has  taken  from  Tao- 
ism whatever  was  good  originally  in  that  faith  and  has 
given  it  in  return  its  own  evils  and  weaknesses,  together 
with  its  monastic  organization.  Between  popular  prac- 
tice in  Buddhism  and  Taoism  there  is  indeed  little  to 
choose ; but  it  is  in  the  return  to  the  great  traditions  and 
pure  sources  of  the  South-Asiatic  faith  that  the  national- 
ists see  hope  and  helpfulness. 

The  Chinese,  and  more  general  Asiatic,  elements 
which  we  have  here  reviewed  are  now  confronted  by 
Western  civilization.  Thus  we  are  led  to  inquire  in  what 
manner  and  to  what  extent  the  influence  of  the  West  has 
become  active  in  China.  In  general  it  is  undoubtedly 
true  that  the  Chinese  intellectuals  maintain  a similar 
position  toward  Western  thought  to  that  held  by  the 
Hindus.  Looking  upon  their  own  philosophy  as  all- 
sufficient  for  high  cultural  purposes,  they  are  yet  will- 
ing to  acknowledge  that  for  practical  ends,  and  especially 
for  the  needs  of  national  defense,  Western  science  may 


156  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


furnish  much  of  value.  It  is  necessary,  therefore,  to 
distinguish  between  the  West  as  consisting  of  complex 
institutions,  methods,  and  processes,  dominated  by  the 
principles  of  exact  science,  and  the  West  as  a system  of 
beliefs,  conceived  as  an  attitude  of  mind.  The  former  is 
quite  generally  accepted;  the  latter  rejected.  The  im- 
mense technical  mastery  of  the  West  is  admitted.  Its 
moral  grandeur,  the  sincerity  of  its  rules  of  conduct,  the 
validity  of  its  philosophical  ideals,  are  doubted.  There 
is  in  all  Oriental  countries  an  advance  guard  of  thinkers 
and  investigators  who  are  intimately  familiar  with 
Western  philosophy,  but  even  among  these  the  majority 
acknowledge  its  value  only  as  a variant  expression  of  the 
concepts  and  ideals  contained  in  Oriental  thought.  On 
the  other  hand,  there  are  also  those  who  draw  from  this 
concord  the  conclusion  that  the  concepts  and  beliefs  of 
all  humanity  are  fundamentally  harmonious,  that  races 
differ  only  in  details  of  custom  and  method. 

At  first  sight  it  would  certainly  seem  that  of  all  Asi- 
atics the  Chinese  are,  through  their  traditions  and  train- 
ing, best  prepared  to  enter  into  the  scientific  positivism 
which  is  now  dominant  in  the  West.  They  certainly  have 
been  trained  to  take  rational  views  of  conduct  and  of 
human  relations;  and  while  natural  science  had  not  been 
developed  under  the  old  regime,  human  activities  had 
been  subjected  to  study  and  analysis.  The  Chinese 
mind  was  trained  in  the  rigorous  school  of  classicism. 
Although  there  was  a vast  amount  of  work  for  the  mem- 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  157 


ory  to  do  in  the  learning  of  commentaries  on  the  classics, 
we  must  not  forget  the  refinement  of  mental  processes 
and  powers  implied  in  the  critical  study  of  literary  mas- 
terpieces and  in  literary  construction.  With  minds  thus 
prepared,  the  Chinese  enter  upon  the  study  of  Western 
science  fitted  with  many  intellectual  qualities  that  favor 
rapid  progress.  The  fields  of  thought  and  action  in 
which  the  defects  of  the  old  training  are  perhaps  most 
evident  are  those  which  relate  to  economic  and  social 
affairs.  In  these  it  is  more  difficult  to  banish  the  old 
superficial,  unscientific  methods  of  reasoning  than  it 
would  be  in  engineering  or  physics.  Consequently  we 
note  that  even  the  more  capable  public  men  in  China 
often  lack  a grasp  of  economic  and  financial  principles, 
and  are  at  times  satisfied  with  the  most  puerile  notions 
of  economic  organization.  This  defect  has  stood  in  the 
way  of  a readier  solution  of  such  pressing  problems  as 
those  regarding  the  currency  and  taxation. 

In  rendering  Western  works  accessible,  writers  like 
Yen  Fu,  — the  translator  of  Huxley,  Spencer,  Adam 
Smith,  and  Montesquieu,  — Liang  Chi-chao,  Wong- 
Chi,  and  Wu  Kuang-hien  have  done  a great  service. 
These  men  were  confronted  by  enormous  difficulties 
because  it  was  necessary  for  them  to  create  a new  scien- 
tific vocabulary  in  the  Chinese  language,  but  they  and 
their  assistants  have  succeeded  within  the  last  decade 
in  supplying  China  with  a good,  workable  library  that 
affords  a key  to  the  scientific  achievements  of  the  West. 


158  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Credit  is  also  due  Sin  Chin-nan,  a fellow  provincial  of 
Yen  Fu,  for  his  admirable  rendering  into  Chinese  of  the 
novels  of  Scott,  Dickens,  Dumas,  Hugo,  and  other 
Western  writers. 

As  strong  nationalism  is  always  associated  with  the 
historical  way  of  seeing  things,  whether  it  be  in  Greece 
or  in  Britain,  in  Chile  or  Japan,  conversely,  a non- 
national civilization  is  always  unhistoric.  This  was  emin- 
ently true  of  China;  though  she  had  annals  in  plenty, 
they  were  dry  and  unprofitable  catalogues  of  deeds  and 
happenings,  unilluminated  by  any  sense  of  national 
development.  But  with  the  dawn  of  a new  era,  writers 
began  to  view  history  as  a necessary  element  in  national 
self-consciousness.  Liang  Chi-chao,  the  most  important 
literary  exponent  of  nationalism,  has  directed  his  atten- 
tion to  historical  work;  and  Chinese  history  is  now  be- 
ginning to  be  studied  by  others  in  a critical  and  scien- 
tific manner.  Moreover,  national  history  has  become 
one  of  the  principal  subjects  of  instruction  in  the  schools. 

In  order  to  get  a bird’s-eye  view  of  the  intellectual 
activities  of  the  present,  it  may  be  well  to  glance  at  the 
different  intellectual  interests,  even  those  not  so  directly 
connected  with  political  reform.  The  principal  centres 
of  literary  life  lie  in  the  middle  and  southern  parts  of 
China,  in  cities  like  Canton,  Shanghai,  Kwangchow, 
Wuchang,  and  Changsha.  The  Japanese  Yokohama  has 
also  been  a centre  of  literary  influence,  being  the  resid- 
ence of  leaders  in  opinion,  who,  temporarily  exiled  by 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  159 


their  own  or  governmental  action,  continued  to  influ- 
ence their  country  from  a distance;  this  city  has,  there- 
fore, been  called  the  Geneva  of  contemporary  Chinese 
literature. 

Among  the  political  writers  of  the  nationalistic  move- 
ment, Kang  Yu-wei  and  Liang  Chi-chao  undoubtedly 
hold  the  primacy.  Kang  Yu-wei,  the  leader  of  the  ex- 
treme party  of  reform,  published  political  memorials 
and  manuals,  as  well  as  an  account  of  his  travels.  Liang 
Chi-chao  is  the  most  voluminous  writer  of  the  group. 
He  is  a journalist,  a historian,  a delineator  of  character, 
and  a critic  of  political  action.  In  a sense  he  may  be 
called  the  Fukuzawa  of  China,  seeking  as  an  effective 
teacher  to  introduce  the  public  mind  to  the  thought  of 
the  great  world.  A follower  of  Kang  Yu-wei,  he  has 
gradually  outgrown  his  master’s  programme,  though 
denounced  by  the  radicals  as  being  too  moderate  in  his 
political  demands.  At  first  he  was  quite  antidynastic, 
and  had  to  live  for  a while,  an  exile,  in  Japan.  More 
recently  he  has  confined  his  efforts  to  preaching  the  doc- 
trines of  constitutional  government  and  representative 
institutions.  The  editor  of  the  National  Civilization 
Magazine,  Wong-Chi,  also  deserves  a prominent  place 
among  those  who  are  endeavoring  to  teach  the  Chinese 
people.  He  has  given  special  attention  to  history  and 
biography  and  attempts  in  this  way  to  awaken  a more 
positive  national  self-consciousness. 

The  growth  of  journalism  in  China  has  been  one  of  the 


160  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


chief  agencies  of  political  agitation  and  reform.  The 
more  radical  journals  naturally  sought  the  protection 
of  the  treaty  ports  and  of  the  foreign  mail  systems.  But 
in  most  parts  of  China,  daily  and  weekly  journals,  as 
well  as  monthly  reviews,  have  suddenly  become  an 
almost  indispensable  means  of  information  and  of 
moulding  public  opinion.  Hence  the  tone  of  the  contem- 
porary Chinese  press  is  exceedingly  serious.  Questions  of 
political  and  cultural  life  are  discussed  with  intensity 
of  feeling  and  a desire  to  get  at  the  truth.  The  nation- 
alistic movement  has  used  the  press  as  the  strongest  in- 
strument of  its  propaganda;  political  views  were  devel- 
oped in  the  editorial  columns,  official  action  reported 
and  criticized  in  the  accounts  of  current  news;  a strong 
effort  was  made  to  inspire  the  public  with  a more  intense 
interest  in  national  regeneration  by  going  into  foreign 
affairs  and  reporting  events,  public  action,  and  progress 
in  other  countries.  The  cartoon  also  came  into  use,  and 
everything  connected  with  the  Government  was  graphic- 
ally pictured,  very  often  with  merciless  satire.  These 
pictures  exercised  a great  influence  in  arousing  public 
opinion  by  spreading  progressive  ideas  in  such  a manner 
that  they  could  be  understood  even  by  those  who  could 
not  easily  read  a political  discussion.  Shanghai  became 
the  chief  seat  of  newspaper  enterprise,  both  on  account 
of  its  central  position,  as  also  of  the  fact  that  editors 
there  enjoy  the  sanctuary  of  the  foreign  settlement,  and 
thus  feel  free  more  candidly  to  express  their  ideas  on 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  161 


official  malpractices  or  needed  reforms.  Thence  the 
papers  found  their  way  to  the  interior,  where  they  were 
studied  in  shops  and  yamens,  even  within  the  walls  of 
the  forbidden  cities  themselves. 

Innumerable  periodical  publications  sprang  up,  and  it 
would  be  impossible  to  give  a complete  account  of  these 
enterprises  here.  Among  those  which  have  achieved 
most  prominence  are  the  Western  Times  ( Shi-pao ),  pub- 
lished under  Japanese  protection  and  representing  the 
views  of  Liang  Chi-chao  and  Kang  Yu-wei.  It  was  for 
a time  the  very  gospel  of  the  progressive  movement  in 
China.  The  opinions  of  the  literary  class  may  be  found 
in  the  Shanghai  Journal  ( Shang  Pao).  Originally  con- 
servative, this  paper  has  modified  its  tone  as  the  literati 
have  gradually  become  more  favorable  to  reform.  It 
gives  special  attention  to  educational  affairs  and  is 
strongly  nationalistic  in  tone,  at  times  even  anti-dynas- 
tic, and  openly  hostile  to  all  extension  of  foreign  influ- 
ence. The  party  of  progressive  reform  students  used  the 
Universal  Gazette  ( Shung-yai-jih-pao ) as  its  organ  of 
expression,  until  it  was  bought  over  by  the  Shanghai 
taotai.  Among  other  journals  recently  organized  we 
may  mention  the  South  China  Journal,  the  National 
Herald , the  Sin  Wan  Pao,  The  People,  and  Heavenly 
Warning.  Second  in  importance  as  a newspaper  centre 
is  the  city  of  Canton.  Its  journals,  conforming  to  the 
general  temper  of  the  southern  province,  are  almost  all 
liberal  and  progressive  in  their  policy.  A very  strong 


162  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


influence  is  exercised  also  by  the  fortnightly  and  monthly 
magazines,  such  as  the  National  Civilization  Magazine, 
of  which  Wong  Chih  is  the  editor,  and  which  aims  to 
develop  national  sentiment  by  arousing  an  intelligent 
interest  in  Chinese  history  and  biography,  in  addition 
to  contemporary  affairs.  Others  are  the  National  Spirit 
Magazine,  the  New  Citizen’s  Magazine,  the  Foreign  Re- 
view, and  the  People’s  Organ,  the  latter  controlled  by 
radical  revolutionary  tendencies. 

Educational  and  other  associations,  such  as  the  So- 
ciety for  the  Preparation  of  Citizenship,  have  also  done 
important  work  in  rendering  accessible  to  wider  circles 
the  information  necessary  for  active  and  efficient  part- 
icipation in  public  affairs.  This  association  was  founded 
by  Chang  Su-oom,  a wealthy  resident  of  Shanghai, 
immediately  after  the  Throne  had  promised  the  grant 
of  constitutional  government.  Though  its  membership 
is  professedly  open  to  all,  its  active  members  come  mostly 
from  the  ranks  of  rich  merchants  and  of  literary  men. 
It  has  received  official  patronage  and  financial  support, 
which,  together  with  the  contributions  of  the  members, 
enable  it  to  distribute  many  treatises  on  constitutional 
government  and  local  administration.  Having  secured 
the  cooperation  of  the  Chinese  chambers  of  commerce 
at  home  and  abroad,  the  association  undertook  the  task 
of  preparing  a code  of  Chinese  commercial  law.  It  has 
also  taken  an  active  part  in  the  propaganda  for  parlia- 
mentary institutions. 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  163 


While  reviewing  agencies  for  the  diffusion  of  learning 
and  information,  mention  should  be  made  of  the  pub- 
lishing houses  which  now  flourish  in  China.  Most  promin- 
ent among  them  is  the  Commercial  Press  of  Shanghai, 
w7hich  has  published  a large  number  of  foreign  and  Chin- 
ese treatises;  its  output  of  schoolbooks  is  specially  not- 
able. Several  important  geographical  and  biographical 
writers  are  connected  with  this  house,  and  a staff  of 
translators  is  kept  busy  providing  materials  from  for- 
eign languages.  The  era  of  public  libraries  has  not  yet 
commenced  in  China.  The  library  of  the  great  Hanlin 
Academy  at  Peking  is  open  only  to  officers  and  high 
literati.  A few  of  the  political  and  cultural  associations 
have,  however,  established  libraries,  some  of  which  are 
open  to  the  public. 

Interest  in  literary  work  for  its  own  sake  has  very 
much  declined  in  China  at  the  present  day.  It  is  diffi- 
cult to  find  a man  of  letters  writing  for  purely  literary 
purposes.  With  the  coming  of  the  new  learning,  there 
has  been  a marked  decline  in  the  traditional  spirit  of 
literary  culture,  and  very  few  men  at  present  follow 
learning  for  its  owm  sake.  Men  of  literary  talent  are, 
indeed,  to  be  found  in  official  life,  in  educational  work, 
and  the  public  enterprises  of  the  gentry;  but  even  in 
these  activities  the  proportion  of  scholars  is  lower  than 
under  the  old  regime.  The  present  age  in  China  is  be- 
coming too  journalistic.  There  has  been  a strong  reac- 
tion from  the  earlier  over-emphasis  on  form  or  style, 


164  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


and  much  of  the  present  output  of  printed  matter  is 
written  in  a way  which  older  men  think  worthy  of  con- 
tempt. Elegance  of  style  is  abandoned  in  the  cultiva- 
tion of  other  qualities,  substantial  or  superficial,  which 
are  demanded  by  writing  articles  on  modem  affairs. 
Some  encouragement  in  the  way  of  maintaining  higher 
literary  standards  has,  however,  come  through  the 
issuing  of  popular  reprints  of  many  classics  which  were 
hitherto  not  easily  accessible. 

The  definitive  effect  of  the  new  movement  on  literary 
standards  and  production  has  therefore  not  yet  declared 
itself.  There  has,  however,  been  a great  deal  of  indis- 
criminate borrowing  from  all  kinds  of  sources.  The  fond- 
ness for  literature  inspired  by  the  old  traditions  of  China 
has  not  abated,  but  it  cannot  be  said  that  any  distinct 
tendencies  of  modern  literature  have  emerged.  Europ- 
ean letters  have  thus  far  had  but  a superficial  influence 
in  China.  It  is  always  interesting  to  note  what  books 
will  be  first  translated.  Chinese  editors  and  translators 
have  judged  that  the  following  would  best  respond  to  the 
curiosity  and  intellectual  wants  of  their  public : Harriet 
Beecher  Stowe,  Rider  Haggard,  Dumas,  Hugo,  Scott, 
Bulwer-Lytton,  Conan  Doyle,  Jules  Verne,  Gaboriau, 
and  Zola.  That  being  so,  we  must  needs  submit  to 
having  our  literary  tastes  and  standards  judged  for  a 
while  according  to  the  impression  made  by  these  writ- 
ers. It  seems  to  be  quite  generally  true  that  the  books 
first  translated  are  talcs  of  adventure  or  the  artificial 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  165 


products  of  romanticism.  It  is  only  slowly  that  Oriental 
readers  learn  to  care  for  or  come  to  understand  a Thack- 
eray or  an  Anatole  France. 

The  contemporary  drama  of  China  is  not  without 
interest.  Departing  for  some  length  from  the  traditional 
classic  standards,  although  retaining  the  methods  of  the 
Chinese  stage,  dramatic  authors  and  actors  of  the  pre- 
sent try  to  influence  thought  by  portraying  scenes  that 
have  a distinct  political  or  social  significance,  teaching 
by  example  and  holding  up  the  mirror  to  the  life  of  the 
present.  Liang  Chi-chao  attempted  to  familiarize  the 
popular  mind  with  ideas  of  political  change  by  dram- 
atizing the  reconstruction  of  Italy,  bringing  forward 
Mazzini,  Garibaldi,  and  Cavour  as  characters  on  the 
stage.  Many  contemporary  plays  are  founded  on  actual 
occurrences,  which  are  dramatized  immediately  after 
the  event.  The  Chinese  theatre  evidently  feels  a call 
to  interpret  actualities  and  to  give  expression  to  public 
opinion.  Though  the  plays  deal  with  contemporary 
events,  they  retain  the  traditional  forms  of  the  Chinese 
stage,  with  no  cutting  in  length,  so  that  usually  several 
evenings  are  taken  up  with  the  performance  of  a single 
drama.  The  plays  are  full  of  action,  but  are  generally 
quite  devoid  of  plot;  interesting  current  events  are 
picked  up  and  dramatized  with  readiness  and  skill. 
As  these  plays  are  important  documents  for  the  under- 
standing of  the  present  momentous  period  in  Chinese 
history,  when  the  popular  intelligence  is  arousing  itself 


166  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


to  far-reaching  action,  it  may  be  appropriate  to  glance 
for  a moment  at  one  of  these  performances. 

Nearly  everything  with  which  the  Chinese  mind  is  at 
present  busy  is  touched  upon  in  the  action  of  one  even- 
ing; the  drilling  of  troops  and  the  exhibition  of  their  dis- 
cipline, the  feeling  against  the  use  of  opium,  the  move- 
ment for  the  abolition  of  footbinding  among  women,  all 
come  in  for  treatment.  Educational  reform  is  dealt  with 
directly  or  referred  to  incidentally  in  connection  with 
the  irrational  worship  of  josses  and  unnecessary  offer- 
ings to  idols;  the  implication  being  that  the  money  thus 
spent  should  be  invested  rather  in  educational  institu- 
tions. But  it  is  the  political  situation  of  China  which  is 
given  most  attention.  The  abuses  current  in  Chinese 
administration  are  satirized  without  mercy;  official  in- 
capacity and  corruption  are  exposed.  The  privileges  of 
the  foreign  residents  in  the  extra-territorial  concessions 
of  the  treaty  ports,  which  are  most  distasteful  to  patriotic 
Chinamen,  also  come  in  for  condemnation.  Opportunity 
for  enthusiasm  is  given  by  frequent  allusions  to  reform 
and  especially  to  the  creation  of  a national  parliament. 
The  audience  enters  fully  into  the  spirit  of  the  play  and 
expresses  its  concurrent  sentiments  through  frequent 
and  loud  applause.  Thus  it  will  voice  its  approval  when 
a thief  is  sentenced  to  receive  only  fifty  blows,  while  a 
seller  of  opium  is  given  double  that  penalty,  or  when 
representatives  of  the  Chinese  Government  refuse  to  be 
held  responsible  for  damages  caused  by  disorder  within 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  167 


the  foreign  concession  limits.  The  strange  mixture  of 
ancient  and  modern  elements,  of  political  discussion  and 
commonplace  occurrences,  will  be  illustrated  by  the 
following  brief  outline  of  an  ordinary  play  recently 
performed.1 

The  play  opens  in  Canton  with  Wong,  the  hero,  bid- 
ding farewell  to  his  guardian  grandmother  at  the  time 
of  his  departure  for  Shanghai  to  seek  his  fortune  in  com- 
merce. Great  filial  piety  is  expressed  in  the  respectful 
obeisance  to  the  spirits  of  the  ancestors  and  to  their 
living  representative.  The  grandmother’s  careful  advice 
and  sorrowful  leave-taking  are  interrupted  by  the 
steamer’s  whistle,  which  calls  for  the  hurried  departure 
of  Wong.  In  the  next  scene  appears  Ye,  a compradore 
of  the  Netherlands  Bank,  who  is  reflecting  in  soliloquy 
upon  the  sad  condition  of  China,  nationally  and  locally. 
Conceiving  himself  powerless  to  remedy  national  affairs, 
he  resolves  at  least  to  better  the  local  situation  by 
founding  a Chinese  volunteer  company,  an  idea  which 
is  heartily  seconded  by  his  fellow  merchants.  The 
scene  changes  to  a grocery  in  Shanghai.  A family 
argument  is  in  progress.  The  proprietor  is  remonstrating 
with  his  wife  regarding  her  large  and  profitless  expendit- 
ure for  idol  worship.  He  receives  much  applause  from 
the  audience  for  his  arguments  against  idolatry  and  small 
feet,  but  his  wife,  conservative  as  her  sex  in  general,  is 

1 A report  of  this  play  was  communicated  to  the  author  by 
Mr.  Horatio  B.  Hawkins,  of  Soochow. 


168  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


less  affected  thereby.  Wong  has  meanwhile  obtained  a 
clerkship  in  a large  export  firm  and  has  become  promin- 
ent as  corporal  in  the  volunteer  company.  While  on 
the  way  to  drill  he  meets  the  grocer’s  wife  and  her  ser- 
vant; they  are  being  menaced  by  some  ruffians  who  had 
mocked  their  ceremonies  and  attempted  to  steal  their 
religious  offerings.  The  rascals  are  put  to  flight  by  the 
heroic  Wong,  who,  after  the  departure  of  the  women, 
puts  his  squad  through  a number  of  drill  manoeuvres. 
The  grocer’s  wife,  having  returned  home,  relates  her 
misadventures  to  her  husband,  who  now  takes  an  even 
more  decided  attitude  of  skepticism.  This  is  followed 
by  a night  scene  in  the  same  house,  where  the  men  of 
evil,  who  had  discovered  the  abode  of  the  woman, 
attempt  to  scale  the  wall  in  order  to  loot  the  premises. 
The  women  awaken  and  call  their  lord  and  master,  who, 
when  he  sees  the  danger,  cries  loudly  for  assistance  from 
the  very  gods  whom  he  had  scoffed.  He  disappears 
under  the  furniture  and  directs  the  maid  to  look  for 
help.  At  this  critical  moment  Wong  appears  on  the 
scene  and  begins  to  knock  down  the  burglars  one  by  one; 
he,  however,  gets  into  a terrible  struggle  with  the  head 
ruffian,  who  draws  his  knife  and  inflicts  many  wounds, 
from  which  the  hero  expires.  Then  follows  a court  scene, 
preceded  by  a soliloquy  of  the  magistrate,  who  moral- 
izes upon  the  political  situation  in  China  and  bewails 
the  general  corruption  and  inefficiency.  The  murderer 
is  thereupon  brought  to  trial  and  punished.  The  play, 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  169 


extremely  naive  in  its  story  and  incidents,  was,  never- 
theless, in  detail  true  to  life  and  in  every  way  realistic. 
It  dealt  with  actual  personages,  some  of  them  in  the 
audience,  and  with  living  facts;  actors  who  had  assisted 
in  the  work  of  authorship  took  part  in  the  presentation. 

As  this  account  of  an  evening’s  entertainment  incid- 
entally shows,  the  public  conscience  of  China  has  of 
late  become  distinctly  political,  and  national  thought 
expresses  itself  chiefly  in  the  form  of  political  reasoning. 
Literary  criticism  and  construction,  philosophical  writ- 
ing, and  even  to  some  extent  the  consideration  of  social 
problems  and  institutions,  are  rather  in  the  background 
when  compared  with  political  thought.  The  nation  is 
intensely  conscious  of  the  need  of  giving  political  form 
to  its  institutions  and  ideas,  to  the  end  that  the  Chinese 
people  may  stand  forth  as  one  of  the  great  personalities 
in  the  world  to  whom  the  future  belongs. 

It  is  natural  under  such  circumstances  that  the  most 
radical  views  should  attract  attention  out  of  proportion 
to  their  real  intrinsic  value.  Though  they  may  not  be 
followed  by  great  numbers,  they  are  talked  about  most. 
In  studying  the  contemporary  revolutionary  literature 
of  such  countries  as  Russia,  Persia,  and  China,  it  is  in- 
teresting to  see  how  books,  which  with  us  had  done  their 
work  a hundred  years  ago,  and  which  are  now  resting 
as  pensioned  veterans  on  our  library  shelves,  assume 
again  in  these  distant  regions  the  character  of  potent 
revolutionary  forces.  Their  thoughts,  which  we  coolly 


170  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


study  and  analyze  as  historical  data,  inflame  the  youth 
of  China  to  heroic  sacrifice  and  rash  action  in  behalf  of 
ideals  which  to  them  are  blushing  with  the  glory  of  the 
morning.  So  our  now  rather  sedate  friends,  Rousseau 
and  Tom  Paine,  experience  a new  birth  and  enter  again 
upon  a state  of  militancy.  In  all  such  great  movements 
there  is  a time  when  Rousseau  is  taken  as  the  source  of 
inspiration  and  guidance;  by  his  side,  however,  Napo- 
leon also  is  often  worshiped,  as  the  embodiment  of  na- 
tional force.  The  portraits  and  busts  of  these  two  men 
are  common  in  the  Orient,  and  Rousseau’s  ideals  are 
much  valued.  The  form  which  is  assumed  by  the  polit- 
ical tendency  that  disengages  itself  from  these  enthus- 
iasms is  one  of  thoroughgoing  resistance  to  all  established 
authority.  There  must  be  a clean  sweep  before  institu- 
tions and  actions  can  be  established  upon  a proper 
basis,  — that  is  the  belief  of  the  revolutionaries;  and 
when  the  new  government  is  to  be  constructed,  it  must 
rest  upon  universal  suffrage  and  be  republican  in  form. 
The  chief  agitator  in  this  revolutionary  propaganda  is 
Doctor  Sun  Yat-sen,  who  has  organized  a secret  society, 
Ka  Ming-tang.  The  protagonists  manipulate  the  move- 
ment from  Japan  and  other  neutral  neighboring  coun- 
tries. As  the  society  is  secret  in  its  organization  and 
work,  it  is,  of  course,  impossible  to  get  accurate  data 
about  its  strength.  The  claims  which  it  puts  forward  as 
to  the  number  of  its  followers  are,  however,  generally 
regarded  as  exaggerated,  and  it  is  also  felt  that  the 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  171 


organization,  should  a critical  struggle  come,  could  not 
hold  together  its  many  divergent  branches. 

A number  of  local  outbreaks  have  been  organized  in 
recent  years  to  further  revolutionary  principles.  Such 
uprisings  attract  the  lawless  elements,  just  as  the  early 
Taiping  movement  did.  When  a local  revolt  of  this  kind 
is  started,  there  is  considerable  disorder,  some  fighting 
and  assassination;  but  the  chief  sufferers  are  the  com- 
mon people  of  the  affected  district,  who  are  treated  with 
little  regard  by  either  side.  After  a certain  amount  of 
panic,  the  officials  conquer  and  some  executions  take 
place.  Meanwhile  the  instigators  of  the  uprisings,  at  a 
safe  distance,  intrigue  and  manipulate  in  order  to  start 
similar  trouble  in  some  other  quarter  of  the  Empire.  The 
natural  consequence  of  such  outbreaks  is  to  strengthen 
the  reaction  and  to  bring  about  for  a time  rule  by  fire 
and  sword.  Revolutionary  writings,  full  of  immature 
theories  and  perverted  statements,  circulate  widely 
among  the  student  class.  They  have  a great  influence 
upon  the  young  and  inexperienced,  and  often  alienate 
from  the  true  interests  of  the  country  energies  needed 
for  carrying  on  its  work  and  assuring  its  salvation. 

While  dwelling  on  the  evils  of  revolutionist  propa- 
ganda in  China,  we  ought,  however,  not  to  overlook  the 
fact  that  the  revolutionary  leaders  are  apparently  gain- 
ing wisdom  with  experience.  Their  propaganda  assumes 
gradually  a more  constructive,  republican  character; 
and  their  opposition  is  now  directed  chiefly  against  the 


172  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


permanence  of  the  Manchu  Dynasty.  Leaders  of  the 
movement  have  recently  been  in  the  United  States, 
there  gathering  funds  among  Chinese  residents.  They 
are  attempting  an  organization  which  will  include  many 
men  in  higher  walks  of  life;  young  sympathizers  are  to 
be  assisted  to  gain  official  position,  so  as  to  be  able  to 
dispose  of  influences  favorable  to  the  movement.  This 
would  indicate  that  the  leaders  aim  at  bringing  about 
the  changes  they  desire  by  more  pacific  means. 

Among  the  students  who  have  gone  to  Japan,  there 
have  been  many  who  have  used  the  knowledge  acquired 
there  in  an  attempt  to  assist  in  the  upbuilding  of  educa- 
tion and  industry  at  home;  but  there  are  others  who 
have  fallen  under  the  influence  of  radical  theories. 
Spending  little  time  in  serious  study  and  being  satisfied 
with  a mere  smattering  of  facts,  many  of  these  youths 
readily  fall  victims  to  agitators,  who  promise  them 
abundant  scope  for  action,  resulting  in  glory  to  them- 
selves, in  excitement,  and  in  great  political  upheavals. 
The  temper  of  these  young  men  is  well  illustrated  by  a 
recent  conversation  with  a returned  student,  who  spoke 
about  Chinese  history  and  compared  it  with  that  of 
Europe.  He  pointed  out  that  Europe  had  been  awakened 
to  her  present  strength  and  efficiency  through  the  French 
Revolution  and  many  years  of  bloody  struggles.  Since 
then  her  progress  in  civilization  has  been  very  rapid. 
China,  on  the  contrary,  cultivated  peace,  and  for  ages 
has  been  stagnant  and  unprogressive.  The  Europeans 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  173 


fought  for  their  rights  and  founded  the  constitution  of 
their  country  with  their  blood.  The  first  remedy  pre- 
scribed for  China,  therefore,  is  to  rise  in  revolt  against 
the  present  government;  only  by  such  means  can  true 
liberty  be  obtained. 

This  view  of  the  French  Revolution  and  of  revolution- 
ary movements  in  general  has  gained  a remarkable  hold 
on  the  minds  of  the  young  and  energetic,  not  only  in 
China,  but  also  in  other  countries,  which  are  in  a state 
of  transition,  like  Persia,  Turkey,  and  Russia.  National 
advance  is  interpreted  as  the  direct  result  of  forcible 
action  and  bloodshed,  and  it  is  entirely  overlooked  that 
the  modem  progress  of  Europe  rests  upon  the  peaceful 
development  and  quiet  labor  of  centuries;  that  it  is  the 
result  of  that  combination  of  tendencies  and  structural 
factors  which  we  call  “Western  civilization”;  and  that 
the  bloody  movements,  while  indeed  outbursts  of  great 
energy,  were  useful  only  in  that  they  removed  obstacles, 
but  were  not  in  themselves  the  source  of  sustained 
strength  and  progress.  This  theory  of  the  beneficence 
of  revolutions,  originating  from  a superficial  reading  of 
history,  has,  nevertheless,  taken  a deep  hold  in  China, 
not  only  among  students  but  among  other  classes.  It 
has  been  condensed  into  a proverb,  “Blood  must  flow 
before  any  improvement  can  come.  ” This  notion  has 
already  been,  in  individual  cases,  the  cause  of  heroic 
though  needless  sacrifice;  the  end  of  its  influence  is 
not  yet  seen,  and  should  affairs  become  more  critical, 


174  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


it  may  move  large  masses  to  rash  action.  A comical  and 
almost  pathetic  incidental  effect  has  been  witnessed  in 
cases  where  individuals,  feeling  the  injustice  of  things, 
have  petitioned  for  redress  or  improvement  and,  though 
stopping  short  of  the  Japanese  hara-kiri,  have  chopped 
off  one  of  their  limbs,  or  at  least  a finger  or  a toe,  in 
order  that  such  bloodshed  might  help  to  effect  their  pur- 
pose. It  is  notable  that  such  immolation  always  makes  a 
strong  impression,  not  only  upon  the  populace  but  even 
upon  officials,  who  feel  that  there  is  a determined  energy 
back  of  it.  So  the  sentiment  that  “blood  must  flow 
before  things  can  be  better”  has  become  a very  active 
and  widespread  superstition. 

That  the  young  men  who  are  actuated  and  influenced 
by  these  views  of  revolution  are  often  inspired  with 
truly  noble  ideals  and  have  a certain  amount  of  wisdom, 
was  exemplified  by  the  advice  given  by  a young  noble  to 
Viceroy  Tuan  Fang.  This  student,  educated  in  Japan, 
himself  the  son  of  a high  official,  had  been  imprisoned 
on  account  of  implication  in  the  revolutionary  move- 
ment in  the  province  of  Anhui.  He  wrote  a letter  to  the 
Viceroy,  in  which  occurs  the  following  passage:  “In  our 
radical  movement  we  simply  do  our  duty,  in  urging  the 
Government  to  decree  a constitution  for  the  welfare  of 
the  people.  Our  country  would  then  not  meet  with  the 
fate  of  India  or  Korea.  If  this  great  object  can  be  ob- 
tained, we  shall  be  happy  even  though  our  bodies  be 
torn  to  pieces.  The  purpose  of  my  action  here  has  now 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  175 


been  totally  destroyed,  and  I am  willing  to  be  punished 
according  to  the  law  of  the  country ; but  before  my  death, 
permit  me  to  say  a few  words  of  advice  to  His  Excel- 
lency Tuan.  Our  campaigns  have  already  spread  to 
every  part  of  the  Empire  and  our  followers  number 
thousands.  These  people  have  no  fear  of  death ; should 
one  be  executed  to-day,  ten  would  rise  to-morrow.  I 
hope  His  Excellency  will  show  more  mercy  to  the  fol- 
lowers after  punishing  one  or  two  of  our  leaders;  other- 
wise, the  tide  of  revolution  will  rise  so  high  as  to  sweep 
everything  before  it.  Our  country  is  now  in  a very  dan- 
gerous situation,  the  Powers  are  watching  her  as  their 
prey.  Thus  while  the  brothers  of  the  family  are  fighting 
against  each  other,  burglars  break  into  the  house  and 
take  away  their  property.”  This  youth,  willing  to  strug- 
gle and  to  suffer,  was,  after  all,  only  fighting  against  in- 
tolerable evils  and  was  not  aiming  merely  to  overthrow 
and  destroy.  The  presence  of  this  constructive  insight 
will  save  many  of  the  younger  men  from  interpreting 
revolutionary  ideas  in  a purely  negative  and  oppositional 
sense. 

Before  1906,  every  reformer  was  prima  facie  a revo- 
lutionary, although  there  were  many  who  in  fact  simply 
believed  in  moderate  reform.  The  Government  up  to 
that  time  frowned  upon  any  views  that  would  indicate 
a desire  for  modifying  things,  but  since  then  a great 
change  has  come  about.  In  the  edicts  of  1906  and  1907, 
the  Government  gave  way  to  what  had  finally  impressed 


176  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


it  as  a fundamental  popular  demand,  and  decreed  the 
gradual  establishment  of  administrative  reforms  and 
representative  institutions.  The  controlling  classes  of 
Chinese  non-official  society  had  also  come  to  a clear 
intelligence  that  the  nation  needed  a more  efficient 
political  organization.  The  reform  movement  was, 
therefore,  taken  up  by  the  literati  and  the  gentry  in 
general,  who  now  began  to  form  an  actively  progressive 
element  in  the  Chinese  Empire.  This  development  put 
the  avowed  revolutionists  outside  the  pale;  they  were 
deprived  of  the  monopoly  of  progressive  ideas  and 
charged  with  the  odium  of  counseling  irregular  and  dan- 
gerous methods.  The  opinion  of  the  progressive  Chinese 
was  influenced  less  by  Rousseau’s  theorism  than  by  the 
knowledge  of  the  actual  needs  of  China  gained  through 
experience  in  affairs,  and  by  a desire  to  utilize  foreign 
models  in  accordance  with  the  well-ascertained  demands 
of  the  situation.  The  gentry  and  the  possessing  classes 
quite  universally  adopted  these  views,  and  began  to 
urge  upon  the  Government  a more  positive  policy  than 
the  officials  had  thus  far  been  ready  to  adopt.  So  the 
moderate  progressive  party  continued,  in  a modified 
and  somewhat  less  rancorous  form,  the  attacks  upon 
official  incompetence,  which  had  been  begun  by  the 
radicals.  But  while  the  beginnings  of  parliamentary 
institutions  have  been  founded  and  the  first  meetings 
of  deliberative  bodies  have  been  held,  the  progressive 
elements  have  thus  far  neither  evolved  a perfected  party 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  177 

» 

organization  nor  has  definite  leadership  developed.  The 
first  session  of  the  National  Assembly,  indeed,  gave  op- 
portunity for  the  display  of  oratorical  talent,  but  so  far 
no  men  have  emerged  as  acknowledged  leaders  of  the 
progressive  movement.  In  all  parts  of  Chinese  affairs, 
governmental  as  well  as  popular  at  the  present  time, 
there  is  a lack  of  men  whose  personality  and  power 
command  that  absolute  respect  and  exercise  that  moral 
authority  which  ought  to  be  associated  with  political 
leadership. 

Through  the  development  of  a moderate  progressive 
tendency,  the  revolutionary  and  radical  movements 
have  been  driven  underground  even  more  than  before. 
They  now  operate  almost  entirely  with  those  subterra- 
nean and  circuitous  methods  to  which  the  Chinese  have 
long  been  familiar  in  various  branches  of  social  life.  No 
one  who  knows  the  situation  in  China  will  flatter  him- 
self that  the  danger  of  fundamental  upheavals  is  en- 
tirely past.  The  Government  lives  under  the  odium  of 
defeat  and  insuccess.  Every  measure  taken  against 
popular  movements,  no  matter  how  necessary  it  may 
be  in  fact,  adds  to  the  bitterness  and  to  the  estrange- 
ment between  dynasty  and  people.  The  Government’s 
adoption  of  progressive  ideas  was  undoubtedly  oppor- 
tunist, and  the  progressive  party  in  China  believes  that 
the  effective  establishment  of  the  various  reforms  that 
are  planned  can  be  brought  about  only  by  means  of  the 
action  of  representative  institutions;  so  there  is  constant 


178  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


friction,  even  between  the  Government  and  those 
classes  which  are  most  disposed  to  uphold  law  and  order. 
The  appeal  to  the  classics,  which  is  so  universal  at  the 
present  time,  is,  as  we  have  seen,  favorable  to  the  ideals 
of  government  by  moral  agencies  and  with  the  enlist- 
ment of  the  services  of  the  wisest  and  ablest  men  of  the 
nation,  rather  than  to  a further  emphasizing  of  loyalty 
toward  the  sovereign.  Nor  can  the  Manchu  Dynasty, 
being  foreign,  ever  count  on  that  long  inherited  and 
instinctive  loyalty  which  the  Japanese  feel  toward  the 
house  that  has  headed  the  nation  ever  since  the  dawn 
of  history.  The  absence  of  a national  dynasty  in  China 
is  the  most  important  individual  factor  in  the  present 
political  situation.  To  make  up  for  this  weakness,  the 
Government,  in  supporting  the  dynasty,  must  seek  to 
give  full  effect  to  the  demands  formulated  by  the  select 
representatives  of  the  entire  Chinese  people.  For  this 
reason  it  is  confidently  expected  by  the  Chinese  pro- 
gressives that  the  powers  of  the  new  parliament  will  be 
more  substantial  than  those  of  the  Japanese  Diet. 

China  is  experiencing  at  the  present  time  a great 
movement  of  thought  and  spiritual  energy,  complex  in 
its  ramifications  and  including  a great  diversity  of  psy- 
chological elements.  The  overpowering  tradition  of  the 
past  takes  on  a new  form  and  meaning  when  brought 
into  contact  with  the  needs  of  the  living  present.  The 
diverse  tendencies  of  the  re-adaptation  of  these  Oriental 
ideals  to  new  forces,  the  substitution  and  application 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  179 


of  European  experience,  and  the  influence  of  European 
social  and  political  ideals;  — upon  all  these  matters  the 
Chinese  mind  is  working,  utilizing  the  classic  training 
of  the  past  in  the  attempt  to  bring  harmony  into  so 
many  conflicting  elements  of  thought  and  action.  Oc- 
casionally also  original  ideas  arise  out  of  this  tumult  of 
intellectual  forces.  Yet  beneath  it  all  there  lie  as  a dark 
mass  the  instincts  and  customs  of  the  millions  of  Chin- 
ese people,  who  think  and  reason  little,  but  whose  im- 
pulses must  be  counted  on  as  ultimately  decisive  in  a 
great  crisis.  The  polished  rationalism  of  the  Confucian 
scholars,  the  ardent  debates  about  the  old  and  new,  the 
influence  of  European  thought  and  example,  are  all  but 
on  the  surface  of  the  vast  deep.  This  sea  of  humanity  is 
still  moved  by  other  forces;  how  the  people  will  act  as 
the  crisis  develops  the  Chinese  leaders  themselves  are 
not  able  to  forecast.  The  Chinese  people  are  extraordin- 
arily industrious,  frugal,  and  patient;  they  have  only 
little  breadth  of  horizon,  and  cling  most  tenaciously  to 
the  customs  of  their  little  sphere;  but  when  at  times 
their  long-suffering  comes  to  an  end,  they  are  moved  by 
tempestuous  furies  that  defy  all  rational  control.  They 
stop  short  of  nothing  until,  in  their  rage  and  defiance, 
they  hurl  themselves  against  a wall  of  rock.  It  is  such 
elemental  outbursts  that  the  leaders  and  friends  of  China 
fear  most,  during  these  years  of  national  preparation 
when  irretrievable  injury  might  be  done.  To  compre- 
hend the  psychic  situation  created  in  China  by  the 


180  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


momentous  changes  of  the  present  is  impossible.  All  we 
can  hope  to  do  is  to  see  manifestations  here  and  there 
which  may  give  us  an  inkling  as  to  the  tendency  of  evo- 
lution and  then  to  watch  the  gradual  or  perhaps  rapid 
unfolding  of  new  national  forces. 

The  proximate  cause  of  the  restlessness  of  this  vast 
society  and  of  the  desire  of  its  thinking  classes  to  carry 
out  radical  changes  lies  in  the  repeated  shocks  received 
by  China  from  the  impact  of  foreign  nations  culminating 
in  the  humiliation  following  the  Boxer  outbreak  and  in 
the  occupation  of  Manchuria.  The  success  of  Japan 
had  a profound  influence.  By  comparison  it  made  China 
conscious  of  her  own  weakness,  and  it  caused  her  think- 
ing people  to  look  upon  the  methods  adopted  by  Japan 
as  necessary  also  to  Chinese  regeneration.  Together 
with  this,  there  has  come  the  sudden  transformation  of 
Chinese  life  by  the  introduction  on  a vast  scale  of  rail- 
ways, telegraphic  communication,  and  modern  indus- 
trial methods  in  general.  Never  before  has  so  vast  a 
population  been  so  shaken  to  the  very  roots  of  its  being 
by  actual  and  impending  changes. 

It  is  not  surprising  that  there  should  be  a scarcity  of 
leaders  at  this  juncture.  The  forces  involved  are  so  over- 
powering, the  masses  concerned  so  vast,  that  it  is  too 
much  to  demand  of  any  individual  person  that  he 
should  be  able  to  represent  all  these  tendencies  and  im- 
pulses. Indeed,  men  have  come  forward  who  have  been 
leaders  in  a limited  sense  — men  who  have  expressed  the 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  181 


feelings  and  desires  of  the  multitudes;  or  those  who,  as 
government  officials,  have  acted  in  accordance  with  the 
demands  of  the  modem  spirit  and  so  have  become  prom- 
inent; or  again,  men  who,  through  writing  and  speaking, 
have  made  themselves  the  mouthpiece  of  the  learned 
and  the  gentry.  There  have  been  agitators  like  Sun  and 
like  Kang  Yu-wei;  there  have  been  transmitters  of 
thought  from  the  outside  world  to  the  Chinese  mind; 
and  there  have  been  official  reformers  like  Yuan  and 
Chang.  But  there  has  been  a lack  in  consistency  and 
permanence  of  leadership;  nor  has  it  been  comprehens- 
ive enough  to  be  truly  national.  This  is  what  China 
needs  most  at  the  present  time:  no  more  of  impersonal 
reasoning,  of  suggested  reforms,  of  agitation,  but  the 
great  personality  whose  character  will  command  respect 
and  whose  capability  will  comprise  the  needs  and  aspira- 
tions of  a vast  nation. 

There  are  European  practices  and  modes  of  thought 
which  have  already  made  so  profound  an  impression 
upon  China  that  they  may  be  considered  henceforth  as 
part  of  her  being.  First  of  all,  there  is  the  idea  of  national 
organization  and  efficiency.  The  Chinese  have  learned 
that  civilization  is  not  only  a matter  of  individual  virtue 
and  excellence,  but  that  it  must  also  express  itself  in  such 
an  organization  of  national  life  as  will  make  it  possible 
for  all  the  forces  therein  contained  to  act  smoothly,  and, 
when  need  be,  to  concentrate  their  efforts  at  any  given 
point.  With  the  commonwealth  idea,  there  comes  the 


182  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


feeling  of  national  patriotism,  to  take  the  place  of  the 
narrow  localism  and  clannishness  that  have  so  far  split 
up  the  force  of  China  into  small  fragments.  There  is 
also  a strong  impulse  toward  parliamentary  and  repre- 
sentative government  as  the  best  method  for  focusing 
the  forces  of  public  opinion  and  bringing  them  to  bear 
upon  national  affairs.  These  liberal  ideals  are  now 
almost  universally  accepted  by  all  who  are  not  benighted 
reactionaries.  The  revolutionary  party,  as  we  have  seen 
goes  farther;  they  accept  the  “egalitarianism”  of  Rous- 
seau and  pronounce  war  on  everything  that  is  not  rad- 
ically democratic.  A superficial  reading  of  history  makes 
them  exaggerate  the  beneficence  of  bloodshed  and  of 
violent  agitation. 

The  social  and  political  ideals  of  the  West  have  also 
exercised  a certain  influence.  The  honesty  and  efficiency 
which,  on  the  whole,  are  maintained  in  the  public  ser- 
vice of  Western  nations,  has  strongly  impressed  the 
Chinese.  While  they  cling  to  the  more  formal  Confu- 
cian  morality  with  its  five  standard  social  relations,  the 
feeling  of  a broader  moral  responsibility  resting  upon 
the  brotherhood  of  man  is  also  influencing  contemporary 
thought  and  action.  There  is  a tendency  to  become 
more  individualistic,  to  give  the  individual  greater  lat- 
itude of  action,  and  to  exact  from  him  a more  general 
moral  responsibility.  This  has  already  begun  to  have  a 
liberating  influence  on  women,  in  allowing  them  at 
times  to  widen  the  sphere  of  their  interests  and  activi- 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  183 


ties.  Moreover,  some  cruel  practices  and  vices  which 
had  been  tolerated  before  are  now  vigorously  combated. 
The  strength  of  moral  enthusiasm  shows  itself  in  the 
battle  against  the  evil  of  opium-smoking;  women  are 
being  relieved  of  the  tyranny  of  the  small-feet  custom; 
greater  naturalness  is  becoming  an  ideal,  and  ancient 
peculiarities  of  dress  are  being  abandoned,  although  the 
individuality  of  the  national  costume  of  China  is  hap- 
pily being  maintained. 

In  this  rebirth  that  China  is  undergoing  we  meet  the 
same  ardor  and  energy  of  youth  which  characterized  the 
European  Renaissance.  China,  indeed,  is  weighed  down 
by  a feeling  of  humiliation  and  suffering,  and  is  vexed 
by  great  unsolved  problems,  so  that  she  cannot  experi- 
ence to  the  full  the  joyousness  of  such  a movement. 
Nevertheless  it  is  the  force  of  youth  that  is  manifesting 
itself;  and  as  a matter  of  fact,  the  young  and  vigorous 
are  now  most  active  in  China,  while  the  older,  whose 
strength  lies  more  in  experience,  are  resigning  leader- 
ship into  youthful  hands.  This  is  remarkable  in  a coun- 
try in  which  age  has  always  been  given  so  great  an 
importance  and  so  many  privileges.  The  youthful 
strength  and  naturalness  which  characterize  the  move- 
ment, very  often,  however,  tend  to  take  the  form  of 
resistance  to  all  restraint.  The  so-called  naturalism  of 
Japan  has  its  counterpart  in  China;  as  a matter  of  fact, 
“naturalistic”  modes  of  thought  have  been  directly  im- 
ported into  China  by  returned  students;  but  even  with- 


184  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


out  this  direct  connection,  the  phenomenon  would  un- 
doubtedly have  occurred.  Naturalism,  that  desire  to 
let  all  force  work  itself  out,  may  take  varied  forms;  but 
it  is  the  general  experience  that  its  main  tendencies  are 
toward  a harsh  materialism.  It  is  here  that  the  greatest 
moral  danger  of  modern  China  lies. 

In  its  present  need  the  nation  goes  back  to  the  tradi- 
tions of  the  past  for  guidance,  and  indeed  it  finds  there 
wisdom  and  nobility  of  mind;  but  whether  the  ideals  of 
Confucianism  are  sufficient  to  exercise  a compelling 
force  over  the  new  generation  still  remains  to  be  seen. 
Nor  have  any  of  the  more  distinctly  religious  beliefs 
current  in  China  furnished  a trusty  basis  for  moral  con- 
stancy and  strength.  In  an  age  so  intensely  competitive 
as  our  own  and  in  a country  where  the  rigors  of  competi- 
tion, inter-  and  intra-national,  cannot  be  softened; 
where  fierce  struggles  are  still  to  be  fought;  where,  from 
the  depth  of  despondency  and  discouragement,  the  only 
thing  that  seems  to  offer  security  for  the  future  is  organ- 
ized physical  force,  the  possession  of  means,  and  the  use 
of  material  instruments,  — under  such  conditions,  it  is 
not  surprising  that  multitudes  turn  to  the  naturalism  of 
material  forces  and  agencies,  desiring  the  things  that 
are  demonstrably  strong  if  they  are  high-minded,  and 
losing  themselves  in  material  satisfactions  if  they  are  of 
coarser  fibre.  The  ideals  which  might  help  the  Chinese 
people  to  escape  these  dangers  cannot  be  created  out 
of  hand,  nor  can  they  be  adopted  from  abroad.  The 


THE  CHINESE  REFORM  MOVEMENT  185 


national  spirit,  indeed,  contains  elements  high  and  noble 
enough  for  moral  guidance  in  the  future,  but  they  must 
be  conscientiously  developed  through  a devoted  spirit 
among  leaders  and  followers.  And  while  they  may  be 
improved  and  strengthened  by  the  good  qualities  con- 
tained in  other  civilizations,  it  is  the  Chinese  them- 
selves who,  from  the  character  of  their  national  genius, 
will  have  to  solve  this  supreme  problem.  Christianity, 
too,  has  a message  for  modern  China.  Many  of  the  new 
impulses  which  are  stirring  Chinese  life  find  nourish- 
ment in  Christian  ideals  of  sympathy,  humanity,  and 
devotion.  But  in  applying  these  motives,  the  special 
needs  of  China  and  the  moral  character  of  her  people 
should  control  the  forms  of  teaching  so  as  to  give  them 
their  full  effect.  Recently,  at  an  informal  meeting  of 
Chinese  Christians,  a symposium  took  place  concerning 
the  prospects  of  Christianity  in  the  Empire.1  These  men 
represented  different  groups  and  widely  different  inter- 
ests and  localities;  yet  they  all  were  agreed  that  if  Chris- 
tianity is  to  succeed  in  China,  it  must  become  less 
foreign  and  more  Chinese;  that  stress  must  be  laid  on 
essentials  of  faith  rather  than  on  formalism  of  creed; 
that  there  must  be  a certain  liberality  which  will  not 
consider  sinful  the  ceremonies  of  respect  for  ancestors, 
for  the  Emperor,  for  Confucius,  and  for  the  dead,  but 
will  tolerate  these  as  national  observances;  and  that 
Christian  thought  should  be  presented  so  as  to  appeal 
1 Communicated  by  Mr.  H.  B.  Hawkins. 


186  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


to  all  classes,  not  only  to  the  people,  but  to  their  leaders 
as  well. 

At  a time  when  such  radical  changes  are  taking  place, 
when  so  many  conflicting  forces  are  bearing  in  upon  the 
mind  of  China,  there  is  a great  danger  that  the  guiding 
star  of  national  destiny,  in  moral  impulse,  may  be  lost 
sight  of.  China  cannot,  indeed,  make  herself  over  into 
an  efficient  nation  unless  she  is  willing  to  learn  from 
other  peoples  the  ways  in  which  they  excel  and  to  con- 
sider the  moral  elements  of  their  success ; but  she  must 
also  be  true  to  the  best  in  her  own  civilization  — its 
reasonableness,  its  calm  and  peaceable  view  of  life,  its 
respect  for  the  things  of  the  spirit.  Turning  her  back 
upon  abuses  current  in  the  past,  she  will  make  herself 
strong  by  becoming  different,  without  ceasing  to  he 
essentially  herself. 


CHAPTER  V 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA 

The  present  tendency  of  affairs  in  China  seems  to 
indicate  that  our  generation  is  to  witness  a repetition  of 
the  marvel  of  the  Japanese  Restoration  and  that  a move- 
ment will  take  place  in  China  which  in  rapidity  and  thor- 
oughness may  even  excel  that  remarkable  transforma- 
tion. In  a country  in  which  the  stability  of  social  and 
political  institutions  has  become  a religion,  where  all  the 
details  of  a complex  system  of  social  polity  have  lasted 
in  their  present  composition  for  upward  of  two  thousand 
years,  such  a sudden  movement,  full  of  surprising  inter- 
est in  itself,  is  fraught  with  imminent  dangers  to  the  mil- 
lions of  this  colossal  empire.  The  unfolding  of  dynamic 
forces,  acting  upon  such  a vast  basis  and  with  such  an 
intricate  background  of  civilization,  has  never  been  wit- 
nessed before  in  the  remembered  history  of  our  world.  In 
the  conflicting  currents  and  counter-currents  of  this 
sweeping  stream,  it  is  difficult  to  fix  upon  the  dominant 
forces  and  fully  to  understand  their  action.  Personal 
ambitions  and  intrigues,  enthusiastic  demands  for 
reform,  unselfish  sacrifice  and  martyrdom,  cynical  calcu- 
lation, are  intermixed  and  intertwined  so  as  to  give  every 
movement  and  every  act  an  aspect  of  duplicity  and  to 


188  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


make  it  utterly  impossible  to  fathom  their  tendencies; 
and  yet  nothing  can  be  more  certain  than  that  we  have 
to  do  with  an  overpowering  impulse  of  a strong  nation  to 
free  itself  from  the  tyrannies  of  custom  and  of  human 
device  and  to  emerge  into  the  broad  stream  of  modern 
life.  This  impulse  has  long  been  present  among  the 
younger  and  more  vigorous  minds  of  China,  but  it  took 
the  bitter  experience  of  the  Chino-Japanese  War  and  of 
the  reprisals  consequent  upon  the  Boxer  outbreak  to 
bring  the  country  as  a whole  to  the  realization  that  a 
great  change  was  absolutely  demanded  if  fatal  disaster 
were  to  be  averted.  At  present  the  nation  has  become 
thoroughly  aroused,  and  no  action  seems  too  radical  to 
enlist  a following  even  among  the  most  responsible  parts 
of  the  population. 

The  unifying  element  in  this  great  movement  is  the 
system  of  education.  In  India,  as  we  have  seen,  educa- 
tion has  been  a bond  of  national  union  only  in  a very 
superficial  way.  In  the  original  Indian  civilization,  it 
was  a perquisite  of  a caste,  and  under  the  English 
regime  it  has  served  rather  to  dissociate  the  educated 
people  from  the  feelings  of  the  multitude  than  to  bind 
the  whole  nation  together  in  an  active  spirit  of  unity. 
China  presents  a different  complexion.  Education  there 
has  always  been  a unifying  element.  The  basis  of  the 
selection  of  leaders  from  the  masses  of  the  population,  — 
it  has  always  been  looked  upon  with  the  greatest  respect 
by  the  people.  Through  its  uniform  character  derived 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA  189 


from  the  overshadowing  importance  of  the  Chinese  class- 
ics, it  has  set  its  stamp  upon  the  entire  Chinese  nation; 
the  effect  thus  produced  indeed  betokens  in  a most  strik- 
ing manner  the  influence  of  psychological  factors  in  the 
assimilation  of  tribes  which  in  their  physical  environ- 
ments and  original  traits  were  very  different  from  one 
another.  The  old  system  of  education  has  also  been  a 
most  conservative  force  through  the  respect  for  author- 
ity which  it  has  instilled  in  the  people;  it  has  been  given 
undivided  and  constant  support  by  the  intellectual 
classes,  who  are  directly  interested  in  maintaining  its 
standards.  The  abolition  of  this  notable  system,  which 
has  been  the  centre  of  Chinese  polity  for  thousands  of 
years,  is  therefore  not  a matter  merely  of  pedagogy.  On 
the  contrary,  it  involves  a thoroughgoing  transforma- 
tion of  Chinese  modes  of  thought  and  action. 

In  the  old  Chinese  system  of  education  we  encounter  a 
purely  literary  ideal.  Founded  mainly  upon  ethical  pre- 
cept, it  entirely  lacked  the  scientific  or  critical  point  of 
view;  and  even  history  was  studied  only  for  the  purpose 
of  acquiring  apt  illustrations  and  striking  instances  for 
the  embellishment  of  a literary  essay.  The  most  serious 
and  responsible  of  the  sciences  thus  became  a mere  mat- 
ter of  ornament.  Mathematics  was  looked  down  upon 
as  the  affair  of  shopkeepers,  the  instrument  for  comput- 
ing petty  gains.  The  ideas  of  natural  science  contained 
in  the  traditional  lore  of  China  are  most  grotesque, 
reminding  us  of  the  crude  notions  current  in  our  own 


190 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


mediaeval  period,  though  in  some  cases  strangely  yield- 
ing a result  that  coincides  with  common  sense.  The 
chief  weakness  and  defect  of  the  traditional  modes  of 
thought  was  the  inclination  to  classify  and  systematize 
on  the  basis  of  superficial  characteristics  and  false  ana- 
logies, without  going  to  the  bottom  of  things  by  research 
and  experiment.  Thus  a fanciful  set  of  analogies  — com- 
paring each  of  the  five  elements  to  an  organ  in  the  hu- 
man body,  the  stomach,  liver,  heart,  and  so  on  — forms 
the  basis  of  Chinese  physiology  and  medical  science; 
also  the  heads  of  plants  are  thought  to  be  suitable  for 
diseases  of  the  upper  parts  of  the  body.  Such  superficial 
theories,  once  stated  and  accepted  as  authority,  would 
then  be  forever  slavishly  repeated,  and  human  ingenuity 
would  exhaust  itself  in  discovering  new  fantastic  appli- 
cations of  those  basic  ideas.  Nor  did  Chinese  literary 
expression,  upon  which  the  system  of  education  laid 
most  weight,  in  itself  follow  any  positive  aim,  such  as 
accurate  description  or  concise  argumentation.  Its 
values  are  purely  conventional  and  it  constitutes  an  in- 
tricate world  by  itself.  When  we  remember  that  Chinese 
literature  lacks  the  values  of  the  spoken  word,  that  it  is 
entirely  a matter  of  writing,  we  shall  be  in  a position  bet- 
ter to  appreciate  the  character  of  this  training.  While 
there  are  thirty  thousand  word-signs,  there  are  only 
about  five  hundred  root  syllables.  Thus  a single  syllable 
will  usually  stand  for  at  least  thirty  or  forty  different 
meanings,  each  of  which,  however,  has  its  own  word-sign. 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA  191 


Spoken  Chinese  is  totally  unlike  the  classic  language.  In 
conversation  or  formal  address,  the  speaker  makes  him- 
self understood  by  using  innumerable  modifying  sylla- 
bles to  explain  words  which  otherwise  would  be  too  am- 
biguous to  yield  any  meaning.  Written  language  fol- 
lows a different  method;  the  collocation  of  word-signs, 
which  appeals  to  the  eye  alone,  is  relied  upon  to  indicate 
shades  of  expression.  Thus,  when  read  aloud,  literature 
is  either  unintelligible,  or  appears  full  of  trite  and  worn 
sentiments  and  expressions;  but  the  printed  or  written 
page  is  pictorial  and  symbolic  in  the  extreme.  The  sug- 
gestiveness of  the  written  language  is  without  limit;  as 
every  idea  and  image  has  its  own  special  word-sign,  there 
is  a great  wealth  and  variety  of  expressions.  But  it  is  not 
only  in  the  use  of  rare  and  precieuse  forms  that  a delicate 
literary  sense  is  sought,  but  rather  in  the  artistic  group- 
ing and  arrangement  of  word-signs,  by  which,  through 
a certain  mutual  reflection,  they  gain  in  suggestiveness 
and  color.  So  the  writer  may  revel  in  the  most  intimate 
allusions  and  complex  sentiments.  This  brings  about  a 
certain  esotericism;  everything  contained  in  such  com- 
positions few  of  the  readers  will  understand,  but  through 
the  ages  a hidden  thought  will  appeal  to  this  or  that  kin- 
dred spirit  and  light  up  a happy  smile  of  recognition. 
The  study  of  such  a literature  presents  an  aspect  and 
holds  possibilities  which  are  not  equaled  by  any  other 
classical  language.  Its  conventionality,  indeed,  is  re- 
stricting and  its  literary  canons  draw  narrow  boundaries 


192  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


to  individual  expression;  and  yet,  withal,  the  possibili- 
ties for  delicate  shading  and  subtle  suggestiveness  are 
infinite.  We  may  well  believe  that  the  soberly  printed 
page  of  even  the  most  poetical  of  Western  writers  ap- 
pears barren  to  a Chinese  literary  scholar,  accustomed 
to  the  subtle  allusions  lurking  in  every  group  and  clus- 
tering about  every  line  of  his  pictorial  writings. 

The  type  of  mind  developed  by  exclusive  attention  to 
such  a literature  is  complex  and  subtle.  The  bland  and 
trite  moralism  of  the  educated  Chinaman  is  a result  of 
the  conventionality  of  the  notions  inculcated  in  the 
classical  literature.  But  when  it  comes  to  deal  with  the 
details  of  expression,  the  Chinese  mind  develops  a re- 
markable delicacy  and  subtlety  which  is  transmitted  to 
all  its  operations.  The  educated  Chinaman  has  eyes 
trained  quickly  to  perceive  the  unobvious  meaning  in 
things.  His  mind  is  less  well  adapted  for  seeing  the 
broad  essential  forces  that  dominate  action  in  nature 
and  the  human  world.  However,  though  trained  primar- 
ily in  other  matters,  the  Chinese  mind  has  nevertheless 
become  accustomed  to  rigorous  concentration  to  such  an 
extent  that  it  may  readily  be  turned  into  an  admirable 
instrument  for  the  investigation  and  fathoming  of  the 
problems  of  modern  scientific  thought.  Yet  what  a task 
ahead  before  this  can  be  accomplished.  From  lifeless 
chronicles  to  history,  from  artificial  deductions  to  direct 
observation  of  natural  forces,  from  a confining  formal- 
ism to  the  expression  of  individual  experience  and  char- 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA  193 


acter,  from  fanciful  analogy  to  positive  proof,  — in 
making  this  transition  Chinese  methods  of  thought  must 
indeed  radically  transform  themselves. 

While  the  Chinese  mind  has  been  held  in  the  prison  of 
childish  theories,  the  character  of  the  Chinese  is  not  such 
that  it  is  ever  satisfied  with  purely  theoretical  pursuits. 
Common  sense,  shrewdness,  a practical  eye  for  busi- 
ness, and  withal  a great  power  of  self-control,  are 
among  their  most  striking  characteristics.  The  latter, 
indeed,  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  stolidity.  The 
Chinese  are  originally  and  fundamentally  excitable 
and  prone  to  violent  outbursts  of  passion.  As  that 
notable  lady,  Doctor  King  Ya-mei,  has  justly  re- 
marked, “The  Chinese,  excitable  by  temperament, 
have  chosen  a high  standard  of  self-control  as  an 
ideal.  The  very  power  of  their  passion  has  caused 
the  Chinese  to  raise  such  formidable  barriers  of  cus- 
tom in  self-defense.”  This  same  common  sense  is  now 
beginning  to  exert  itself  in  matters  of  intellectual  life, 
and  as  the  Japanese  have  come  to  believe  in  practical 
science,  have  indeed  become  masters  of  scientific  inquiry 
and  management,  no  less  will  the  Chinese  surprise  the 
world  in  this  matter.  Their  psychology  is  predisposed 
to  this  development,  which  has  been  retarded  by  anterior 
conditions.  They  have  none  of  the  volatile,  dreamy 
characteristics  of  the  Hindus.  To  cite  again  the  words  of 
Doctor  King,  “It  devolves  on  China,  which  is  neither 
mystic  nor  warrior,  with  its  great  body  of  skillful  farmers 


194  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


artisans,  merchants,  unpicturesque  and  often  as  uninter- 
esting as  their  British  congeners,  to  solve  the  practical 
problems  of  Asiatic  life.” 1 

But  though  from  the  point  of  view  of  Chinese  psycho- 
logy, the  present  evolution  seens  purely  normal,  viewed 
in  its  relations  to  social  and  political  institutions,  it  is 
nothing  short  of  a revolution.  In  the  past,  the  entire 
fabric  of  Chinese  society  has  rested  upon  classical  au- 
thority. Intellectual  life  was  circumscribed  by  the  belief 
that  everything  worth  knowing  has  been  reasoned  out 
and  settled  by  the  ancients.  Social  custom  was  determ- 
ined by  the  precepts  of  the  sages,  and  political  pre- 
ferment came  to  those  who  had  best  mastered  the  class- 
ical lore.  There  had  been  created,  in  Chinese  education, 
a unifying  psychological  force,  which  in  itself  was  the 
bond  that  held  the  Empire  together  by  assimilating  the 
various  elements  in  its  population.  In  the  conduct  and 
destiny  of  the  Chinese  nation,  educational  matters  there- 
fore had  an  importance  far  transcending  the  life  of  the 
schools.  Accordingly,  a change  of  system  is  by  no  means 
a matter  of  pure  pedagogics,  but  it  involves  such  funda- 
mental permutations  of  social  and  political  conduct,  that 
among  all  the  changes  progressing  and  impending  in  the 
Middle  Kingdom,  this  reform  of  education  is  the  most 
significant  and  far-reaching. 

Those  who  knew  China  best  were  most  apprehensive 
as  to  the  difficulties  which  would  attend  any  attempt  to 
1 The  World’s  Chinese  Students’  Journal,  vol.  i.  p.  41.  " 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA  195 


dislodge  a system  so  long  established,  and  so  intimately 
connected  with  the  power  of  officialdom.  As  late  as 
1898,  the  events  of  that  turbulent  epoch  seemed  to  render 
hopeless  any  attempt  at  reform  from  within.  The 
repeated  humiliation  of  Chinese  pride  during  the  last 
decade  has,  however,  brought  about  most  suddenly  a 
sweeping  movement  of  change,  supported  by  the  com- 
mon feeling  among  all  thinking  Chinamen  that  only  a 
thorough  renaissance  of  national  life  can  save  the  coun- 
try from  continued  inroads  and  humiliations.  Nor  can 
China  take  her  time.  She  must  become  strong  in  a hurry. 
So,  with  all  the  retarding  weight  of  tradition,  with  pop- 
ular distrust  and  impatience,  with  official  intrigues  and 
counter-intrigues,  with  diplomatic  embarrassment,  the 
Chinese  are  still  forging  ahead  in  the  work  of  reconstruc- 
tion. Even  the  distant  spectator  cannot  but  be  filled 
with  concern  when  he  realizes  the  risks  to  which  the 
Chinese  people  are  now  subject.  They  are  seeking  a for- 
ward way,  a road  out  of  the  stagnation  into  which  their 
national  life  has  fallen;  but  whether  they  will  be  able 
to  accomplish  this  escape  from  the  fetters  of  tradition 
without  bloody  sacrifice,  is  a question  the  answer  to 
which  the  future  still  holds. 

Changes  in  the  educational  system  of  China  have  been 
attempted  before,  notably  in  1898;  but  the  conservatism 
of  the  official  classes  has  always  succeeded  in  defeating 
any  plan  of  thoroughgoing  reform.  After  the  Boxer 
troubles,  however,  even  they  could  no  longer  escape  the 


196  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


conclusion  that  changes  were  necessary,  if  China  were 
to  resist  the  inroads  of  foreign  powers.  A commission, 
appointed  in  1904  to  study  the  educational  situation, 
submitted  a complete  plan  for  a national  public-school 
system.  Receiving  the  sanction  of  the  Imperial  Govern- 
ment, this  plan  became  the  authorized  programme  for 
educational  changes  throughout  the  Empire.  In  Sep- 
tember, 1905,  an  edict  was  issued  which  abolished  the 
customs  of  two  thousand  years.  The  old  literary  examin- 
ations, by  which  men  had  obtained  the  right  to  official 
appointments,  were  entirely  discontinued,  and  there 
were  substituted  for  them  examinations  in  which  sub- 
jects of  modern  learning  were  given  a prominent  place. 
In  December,  1905,  the  importance  of  educational  mat- 
ters was  further  recognized  by  the  creation  of  a National 
Board  of  Education,  charged  with  the  duty  of  super- 
intending the  enforcement  of  the  imperial  decrees  on 
educational  matters. 

The  two  essential  elements  in  the  Chinese  reform  are 
the  creation  of  a public-school  system,  and  the  introduc- 
tion of  Western  subjects  of  study.  Under  the  old  regime 
schools  were  almost  entirely  supported  by  private  enter- 
prise. Neighborhood  school  associations  provided  for 
elementary  teaching,  while  in  the  larger  towns  educa- 
tional bodies  or  officials  backed  the  higher  schools.  The 
ambitious  plan  worked  out  and  submitted  by  Chang 
Chih-tung,  Chang  Pao-hsi,  and  their  associates,  pro- 
vides for  a complete  system  of  educational  institutions 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA  197 


modeled  upon  those  of  Japan,  which,  in  turn,  were  in- 
spired chiefly  by  the  educational  practice  of  the  United 
States  and  Germany.  There  is  to  be  a kindergarten,  fol- 
lowed by  a lower  and  an  upper  primary  school,  with 
courses  occupying  five  and  four  years  respectively,  in 
which  the  subjects  taught  are  reading,  classics,  history, 
mathematics,  geography,  elementary  science,  music,  and 
gymnastics.  It  is  the  purpose  of  the  law  that  every 
larger  village  shall  have  its  primary  school,  and  that  there 
shall  be  at  least  one  of  these  institutions  for  every  four 
hundred  families.  Every  district  town  is  to  have  a higher 
primary  school.  The  next  grade  in  the  educational 
system  is  the  middle  school,  which  would  correspond 
roughly  to  the  American  high  school  or  academy.  There 
is  to  be  at  least  one  in  each  prefecture.  In  addition  to  a 
more  advanced  pursuit  of  the  studies  mentioned  above, 
the  study  of  foreign  languages  also  is  required  in  these 
institutions.  Each  provincial  capital  is  to  be  supplied 
with  a college,  while  the  coping-stone  of  the  whole  sys- 
tem is  the  University  of  Peking,  with  which  universities 
in  other  important  centres  may  be  associated.  The  Uni- 
versity of  Peking  is  supplied  with  eight  faculties  and 
forty-six  departments.  Admission  from  lower  schools  to 
those  of  a higher  grade  will  be  obtained  on  the  basis  of 
strict  examinations. 

In  addition  to  the  schools  enumerated,  there  have  also 
been  established  a large  number  of  agricultural  and  tech- 
nical institutions  of  various  grades,  from  the  farming 


198  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


school,  to  which  graduates  of  the  primary  school  are  ad- 
mitted, to  the  technical  colleges,  which  require  a much 
longer  preparation  on  the  part  of  the  students.  There 
are  also  normal  schools,  and  special  schools  for  law  and 
political  science.  The  latter  are  intended  especially  for 
the  supplementary  training  of  government  officials. 
The  National  Board  dealing  with  educational  matters 
exercises  a general  supervision,  but  as  the  actual  ad- 
ministration of  schools  is  in  the  hands  of  local  officials,  it 
does  not  exert  much  positive  control,  nor  does  it  originate 
educational  policies.  The  scope  of  its  functions  may  be 
implied  from  the  bureaus  into  which  it  is  divided 
namely,  professional  status,  general  affairs,  secondary 
studies,  technology,  editing,  investigation,  and  coun- 
cilors. The  Board  is  assisted  by  over  one  hundred  and 
eighty  attaches,  representing  the  learning  of  the  Chin- 
ese classics,  as  well  as  that  of  Japan  and  of  the  West. 
Among  them  are  a number  of  prominent  specialists.  The 
bureau  of  editing  requires  the  largest  staff,  as  it  is  in- 
trusted with  the  work  of  translating  and  publishing  for- 
eign works  suitable  for  purposes  of  instruction,  as  well 
as  with  the  direct  preparation  of  Chinese  text-books. 

The  imperial  decree  enjoins  upon  all  viceroys,  gov- 
ernors, and  prefects  the  utmost  diligence  in  the  rapid 
building-up  of  the  educational  system  in  all  its  parts.  Its 
realization  of  course  still  depends  upon  the  individual 
initiative  and  energy  of  governors  and  local  officials.  On 
account  of  the  varying  local  conditions,  considerable 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA  199 


latitude  must  be  allowed  to  these  men  — a broad  discre- 
tion as  to  the  specific  methods  which  will  be  most  condu- 
cive towards  the  realization  of  the  general  scheme.  H.  E. 
Yuan  Shi-kai  has  given  evidence  of  his  serious  purpose, 
in  an  ordinance  issued  in  1907  with  respect  to  education. 
He  makes  very  specific  numerical  requirements  as  to 
schools.  In  each  provincial  capital  there  are  to  be  at 
least  one  hundred  Primary  schools  with  five  thousand 
pupils.  In  each  district  there  shall  be  forty  such  schools, 
with  at  least  two  thousand  pupils,  and  in  each  village  at 
least  one  with  an  attendance  of  forty.  The  viceroy  con- 
templates the  requirement  of  compulsory  education  for 
a period  of  at  least  two  years  for  all  children.  Together 
with  H.  E.  Tuan  Fang  and  old  Chang  Chih-tung  he 
memorialized  the  Throne  to  make  primary  education 
compulsory  throughout  the  Empire.  The  plan  outlined 
above,  as  may  be  imagined,  looms  much  larger  on  paper 
than  in  actual  execution,  and  there  is  a long  distance 
which  still  must  be  traveled  before  the  system  of  Chinese 
education  will  really  become  general  and  serviceable  to 
all  parts  of  the  population. 

When  the  Chinese  Government  had  issued  its  radical 
decrees  on  education,  the  spirit  of  the  past  seems  to  have 
loomed  up  before  it  in  a threatening  manner.  To  ap- 
pease the  national  ancestors,  almost  divine  honors  were 
bestowed  upon  the  great  teacher  Confucius.  It  was  also 
decided  that  a Confucian  University  would  be  estab- 
lished at  the  birthplace  of  the  sage,  in  the  province  of 


200  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Shantung.  Here  the  classic  learning  is  to  be  preserved 
in  all  its  purity.  The  present  representative  of  the 
family  of  Confucius,  the  “Holy  Duke”  Yen,  a descend- 
ant of  the  great  teacher  in  the  seventy-sixth  generation, 
presented  himself  before  the  Empress  and  Emperor  to 
render  thanks  for  the  great  distinction  bestowed  upon 
his  family.  Being  evidently  touched  with  modem  views, 
he  proposed  that,  while  the  place  of  honor  should  be 
given  to  Confucian  studies,  the  new  university  should 
also  not  neglect  such  branches  as  political  and  social 
science,  foreign  languages,  and  other  Western  studies. 
This  testimony  to  the  importance  of  Western  science 
coming  from  such  a source,  had  a great  influence  upon 
the  conservatives  of  China.  Having  become  interested 
in  education,  Duke  Yen  Sheng  memorialized  the  Throne 
concerning  four  points:  first,  the  character  and  behavior 
of  students  shall  be  carefully  looked  after;  second,  the 
color  of  the  cloth  used  for  drill  shall  be  made  uniform; 
third,  teachers  shall  be  selected  from  amongst  persons 
who  are  of  serious  character;  fourth,  teachers  shall  be 
over  forty  years  of  age.  By  imperial  order,  the  Board  of 
Education  has  transmitted  these  views  to  all  provincial 
authorities.  With  such  wisdom  to  guide  them,  how  can 
the  Chinese  go  astray? 

One  of  the  greatest  difficulties  occasioned  by  the  new 
system  of  education  lies  in  the  heavy  expense  which  it 
entails.  Buildings  have  to  be  secured  and  furnished, 
teaching  materials  and  text-books  provided,  and  teach- 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA  201 


ers  of  sufficient  acquirements  employed.  The  old-style 
teacher  of  the  Chinese  village  school  was  satisfied  with  a 
paltry  income,  — some  thirty  or  forty  dollars,  silver,  a 
year,  — supplemented  as  it  was  by  kindly  attentions 
from  the  neighbors.  Men  who  are  to  teach  the  new 
branches  expect  a much  larger  salary;  in  fact,  they  de- 
mand many  times  as  much  as  the  old  reading  masters. 
The  financing  of  the  new  system  has  consequently  been 
a matter  of  extreme  difficulty.  In  many  localities,  the 
question  of  securing  a building  equipment  was  solved  by 
turning  ancient  Buddhist  temples  and  monasteries  into 
schools,  and  using  pious  funds  for  the  purchase  of  maps, 
books,  chairs,  and  desks.  The  Buddhist  monks  were  not 
always  walling  benefactors  of  the  public;  in  fact,  they 
began  to  make  frequent  use  of  the  subterfuge  of  trans- 
ferring their  property  to  Japanese  Buddhists,  in  order  to 
obtain  diplomatic  protection.  The  threatened  increase 
of  Japanese  influence  led  the  Government  to  abandon 
the  further  conversion  of  Buddhist  temples,  except  in 
cases  where  some  sort  of  agreement  could  be  arrived  at 
with  the  bonzes. 

Private  munificence  has  been  strongly  appealed  to  by 
the  officials.  A person  endowing  a certain  number  of 
schools  will  be  given  the  title  of  a Chairman  of  the  Gen- 
try; especially  generous  gifts  are  acknowledged  by  the 
Emperor  in  person.  The  public  system  has,  of  course,  not 
superseded  the  system  of  private  schools.  The  latter 
flourish  and  increase  in  number  by  the  side  of  those 


202  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


established  by  authority  of  the  Government.  It  has  also 
been  proposed  that  the  moneys  heretofore  spent  in  pro- 
cessions, in  certain  commemorative  exercises  and  come- 
dies, be  applied  to  the  more  useful  purpose  of  furthering 
the  educational  cause.  The  main  source  of  funds  for  edu- 
cational purposes  should,  of  course,  be  general  taxation. 
But  on  account  of  the  inflexibility  of  the  Chinese  re- 
venue system,  local  officials  often  find  it  difficult  to  raise 
the  additional  income  required  to  meet  the  new  ex- 
penses. Some  special  sources  have  from  time  to  time  been 
utilized,  such  as  the  sale  of  public  property,  or  the  indem- 
nity funds  remitted  by  the  United  States. 

The  financial  administration  of  the  schools  has  not 
escaped  suspicion;  in  fact,  it  has  incurred  much  criticism 
on  the  part  of  the  public  press.  Such  statements  as  the 
following  (from  the  Shen-Chow-Jih-Pao,  or  National 
Herald ) are  often  encountered:  “ When  we  first  heard  of 
the  new  schools,  we  believed  that  they  embodied  a 
healthy  desire  and  honest  wish  to  benefit  the  educational 
system.  It  was  indeed  a matter  of  remark  that  the  not- 
ables and  literati,  who  had  hitherto  considered  the  old 
schools  as  unexcelled,  had  over  night  become  enthusias- 
tic supporters  of  the  new  system.  The  cause  of  their 
sudden  change  appears  more  clearly  at  present.  A look 
at  the  modern  schools  shows  that  they  were  founded 
chiefly  through  a desire  for  gain.  The  notables  have  be- 
come school  managers.  The  funds  intrusted  to  them 
they  misappropriate.  For  teachers,  pupils,  and  objects 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA  203 


of  instruction  they  care  not.  In  their  hearts  they  are 
still  followers  of  the  old  system.” 

While  this  view  is  undoubtedly  too  cynical,  it  never- 
theless indicates  the  difficulties  in  the  road  to  reform,  so 
long  as  official  misuse  of  funds  is  not  checked  by  an  ade- 
quate system  of  accounting.  The  educational  system 
itself  suffers  most  from  the  scarcity  of  properly  qualified 
teachers.  The  schoolmaster  of  the  old  type  could  at 
least  scan  the  lines  of  the  classics,  but  those  who  pretend 
a knowledge  of  modem  branches  have  often  acquired 
only  a most  superficial  smattering  from  some  Japanese 
instructor,  who  himself  may  have  dipped  from  second- 
hand sources.  In  many  localities,  the  entire  spirit  of  the 
schools  leaves  much  to  be  desired.  The  teachers  them- 
selves are  prone  to  strike  if  their  pay  is  not  sufficient. 
Disputes  between  pupils  and  teachers  are  common. 
Should  an  unpopular  teacher  not  be  dismissed,  a boy- 
cott is  organized  by  the  pupils,  and  they  often  go  to  the 
length  of  leaving  the  school  in  a body.  Frequently  they 
seem  to  carry  their  point  to  the  extent  that,  in  some  lo- 
calities, all  discipline  has  been  subverted;  and  students 
have  gone  so  far  as  to  dictate  to  the  teachers  what  they 
want  to  be  taught.  The  teachers  sometimes  have  much 
to  suffer  from  an  obstinate  insistence  on  the  part  of  the 
students  to  do  things  in  their  own  way.  A custom  once 
established  will  be  adhered  to  with  a stubbornness  which 
can  be  described  only  as  “pig-headedness.” 

News  items  like  the  following  are  common  in  the  Chin- 


204  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


ese  journals:  “Yangchow,  14th  June,  1907.  There  are 
troubles  in  the  middle  school  at  Yangchow,  caused  by 
disagreement  as  to  the  amount  of  the  teachers’  pay.  The 
teachers  have  all  resigned”;  or,  “Hankow,  13th  May, 
1907.  Owing  to  a conflict  between  teachers  and  students 
in  the  middle  school  of  Lin-hai-hsien,  the  latter  have  left 
the  school.”  Under  all  these  circumstances,  it  is  not  sur- 
prising that  the  attitude  of  the  man  in  the  street  toward 
the  schools  is  not  always  enthusiastic.  The  schoolboys 
parading  about  in  their  new  uniforms  are  apt  to  be 
arrogant,  and  offend  the  susceptibilities  of  the  people 
they  meet.  The  new  taxes  imposed  by  the  mandarins  are 
burdensome  to  many.  A system  which  seems  to  be  utiliz- 
ing the  contributions  of  all  for  the  benefit  of  a compara- 
tively small  number  is  easily  made  the  object  of  popular 
opposition,  especially  when  feelings  have  been  embit- 
tered through  petty  bickerings.  So,  in  some  localities 
the  buildings  occupied  by  the  new  schools  have  been 
torn  down,  and  public  violence  has  been  aroused  by  any 
effort  to  develop  the  new  system.  But  these  are  only  dif- 
ficulties and  troubles  which  could  naturally  be  foreseen 
when  a reform  of  such  reach  and  importance  was  under- 
taken. 

In  the  majority  of  Chinese  towns,  however,  the  public 
feeling  is  of  a quite  different  kind.  Great  things  are  ex- 
pected of  the  new  education.  A hopeful  and  strong  na- 
tional spirit  has  arisen  from  the  many  ills  that  threaten 
China.  The  new  system  is  certainly  given  an  eager 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA  205 


reception  by  the  young  students  themselves;  it  is  so 
superior  to  the  old  in  interest  and  in  freedom  from  tedi- 
ous tasks  of  memory  work.  They  are  especially  fond  of 
their  uniforms,  which  mark  them  as  young  soldiers  in  the 
national  army.  Though  the  system  was  introduced  at 
first  against  the  will  of  the  literati,  they  did  not  seriously 
oppose  it,  but  soon  came  to  acknowledge  that  the  new 
education  is  necessary  to  China.  It  was  supposed  that 
there  would  be  bitter  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  teach- 
ers of  the  old  school,  who  would  be  in  danger  of  losing 
their  livelihood.  The  result  happily  does  not  bear  out 
these  anticipations.  Such  subjects  as  Chinese  literature, 
natural  history,  and  philosophy,  still  offer  a large  field  of 
activity  to  the  old  type  of  teachers,  provided  that  they 
have  put  themselves  in  touch  with  modern  ideas  on  their 
subjects  through  reading  a few  Western  treatises.  The 
zeal  of  the  older  teachers  in  trying  to  catch  up  with  the 
foreign-trained  men  is  at  times  almost  pathetic.  In  most 
towns  a “teachers’  discussion  class”  has  been  organized. 
These  classes  were  established  by  the  initiative  of  the 
teachers  themselves,  in  order  that  they  might  acquire  the 
knowledge  necessary  for  elementary  instruction  in  the 
new  branches.  With  great  eagerness  these  men,  varying 
in  age  from  thirty  to  fifty-five  years,  will  follow  the  in- 
struction given  by  some  youngster  in  the  early  twenties 
who  has  been  fortunate  enough  to  have  had  a course  in 
Japan  or  the  West.  While  the  necessary  superficiality  of 
such  a system  must  be  deplored,  the  mere  fact  of  this  in- 


206  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


struction  being  so  eagerly  sought  by  the  teachers  is  the 
best  proof  that  the  old  order,  recognizing  its  inevitable 
fate,  has  abandoned  the  hope  of  regaining  its  former  su- 
premacy and  is  hurrying  to  adapt  itself  to  the  new  condi- 
tions. 

This  enthusiasm  also  finds  expression  in  great  individ- 
ual sacrifices,  and  even  in  martyrdom.  Private  gifts  are 
made  in  large  numbers,  even  without  the  solicitation  of 
officials  or  the  hope  of  rewards.  Within  the  last  few 
years,  it  has  frequently  happened  that  some  person  de- 
sirous of  founding  a school,  and  lacking  the  means  to  do 
so,  has  in  truly  Oriental  fashion  appealed  to  his  or  her 
townsmen  by  committing  suicide,  after  writing  out  a 
touching  request  for  aid  in  the  new  cause.  A Tartar  lady 
at  Hankow  who  had  founded  a school  for  girls  was  unable 
to  secure  sufficient  money  for  carrying  on  the  work  of 
the  institution.  In  order  to  secure  her  object,  she  deter- 
mined to  commit  suicide.  In  her  farewell  letter,  she  stated 
that  she  felt  the  need  of  the  school  so  much  that  she 
would  sacrifice  her  own  life  and  thus  impress  the  need 
upon  those  who  were  able  to  give  money.  Her  act  had 
the  result  desired,  as  after  her  death  money  came  flowing 
in  from  many  sources.  In  most  cases,  fortunately,  the  ap- 
peals for  assistance  are  successful  without  going  to  such 
extremes.  Thus,  the  wife  of  a district  magistrate  in  Honan 
having  decided  to  establish  a school  for  girls,  wrote  a 
circular  setting  forth  that  a girl,  if  uneducated,  brings 
six  kinds  of  injury  to  herself  and  three  kinds  to  her  rela- 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA  207 


tives.  The  subtlety  of  her  arguments  fascinated  the  city 
folk,  and  sufficient  funds  for  her  purpose  were  soon  pro- 
vided. 

The  introduction  of  female  education,  which  militates 
against  the  most  deep-seated  prejudices  of  the  Chinese 
race,  has  called  for  greater  personal  sacrifices  than  any 
other  part  of  educational  reform.  Some  powerful  patrons 
have  indeed  arisen.  H.  E.  Tuan  Fang  urged  the  import- 
ance of  this  reform  upon  the  Empress  herself,  with  the 
result  that,  before  her  death,  the  great  lady  established 
a school  for  female  education  in  the  capital.  Educated 
women  are  making  a strong  plea  for  the  education  of 
their  sisters.  Doctor  King  Ya-mei,  herself  educated  in 
the  West,  points  out  that  those  who  lament  the  superficial 
nature  of  the  present  reforms  forget  that  “half  the  na- 
tion, whose  special  function  it  is  to  put  into  practice  the 
ideas  governing  the  world  in  which  she  lives,  has  not  yet 
been  touched;  that  the  strong  impressions  of  childhood 
are  the  lasting  ones,  and  that  man  is  but  an  embodiment 
of  the  ideas  of  the  mother.”  But  in  the  case  of  female 
education,  it  is  not  primarily  the  provision  of  funds  that 
causes  difficulties.  The  desire  of  women  to  share  in  the 
advantages  of  education  is  of  itself  looked  upon  by  the 
majority  of  the  Chinese  as  scandalous  and  not  at  all  to 
be  encouraged.  Many  heartrending  tragedies  have  been 
brought  about  by  insoluble  conflicts  of  duty  toward  the 
old  and  the  new.  A short  time  ago,  in  an  interior  village 
in  Kiang  Su,  a woman,  ambitious  to  become  educated, 


208  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


killed  herself  after  bad  treatment  from  her  husband’s 
relatives.  Her  farewell  letter  was  everywhere  copied  by 
the  Chinese  press.  It  has  become  a national  document, 
and  almost  a charter  of  the  new  movement.  In  it  occur 
the  following  sentences:  “I  am  about  to  die  to-day  be- 
cause my  husband’s  parents,  having  found  great  fault 
with  me  for  having  unbound  my  feet,  and  declaring  that 
I have  been  diffusing  such  an  evil  influence  as  to  have 
injured  the  reputations  of  my  ancestors,  have  determ- 
ined to  put  me  to  death.  Maintaining  that  they  will  be 
severely  censured  by  their  relatives,  once  I enter  a school 
and  receive  instruction,  they  have  been  trying  hard  to 
deprive  me  of  life,  in  order,  as  they  say,  to  stop  before- 
hand all  the  troubles  that  I may  cause.  At  first  they  in- 
tended to  starve  me,  but  now  they  compel  me  to  commit 
suicide  by  taking  poison.  I do  not  fear  death  at  all,  but 
how  can  I part  from  my  children  who  are  so  young?  In- 
deed, there  should  be  no  sympathy  for  me,  but  the  mere 
thought  of  the  destruction  of  my  ideals  and  of  my  young 
children,  who  will  without  doubt  be  compelled  to  live  in 
the  old  way,  makes  my  heart  almost  break.” 

The  blood  of  such  martyrs  is  beginning  to  make  its 
impression  upon  the  Chinese  people,  and  is  turning  them 
to  favor  more  liberal  popular  customs.  A nation  in  which 
a spirit  of  such  ruthless  self-sacrifice  is  still  so  common 
may  bring  forth  things  that  will  astonish  the  world.  It 
has  been  said  that  “China  contains  materials  for  a revo- 
lution, if  she  should  start  one,  to  which  the  horrors  of 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA  209 


the  French  Revolution  would  be  a mere  squib”;  but  if 
turned  into  different  channels,  this  spirit  of  self-sacrifice 
may,  as  it  did  in  the  case  of  Japan,  bring  about  a quick 
regeneration  of  national  life  and  national  prestige, 
through  the  establishment  of  new  institutions,  that  cor- 
respond to  the  currents  of  life  thus  striving  to  assert 
themselves. 

The  external  organization  of  the  Chinese  educational 
system,  important  as  it  is,  is  but  half  the  battle.  In  the 
struggle  for  a national  renaissance,  these  forms  will  be  of 
small  advantage,  if  the  true  spirit  of  modern  scientific 
study  is  lacking.  There  is  indeed  a great  amount  of  curi- 
osity among  the  Chinese,  such  as  inspired  the  Japanese 
when  they  were  first  confronted  with  Western  civiliza- 
tion in  all  its  prowess  and  varied  interest.  The  youth  of 
China  are  most  eager  to  learn,  but  the  direction  given 
to  their  efforts  has  not  always  been  judicious.  The  move- 
ment is  too  tremendous  in  scope  to  have  reached  perfec- 
tion in  detail.  Many  of  the  students  see  in  Western 
learning  an  open  sesame  to  wealth,  a smooth  highway  to 
position  and  honors.  Indeed,  in  the  first  educational 
edict,  the  Government  was  careful  to  caution  teachers 
and  students  not  to  look  on  education  as  the  pathway  to 
honor,  rank,  and  preferment,  but  rather  as  a means  of 
bringing  strength  to  their  country.  But  the  idea  which 
this  edict  gives  of  the  spirit  of  the  new  education  is  itself 
very  vague.  It  states  the  objects  to  be,  “loyalty  to  the 
Confucian  spirit,  public-mindedness,  bravery,  and 


210  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


truth.”  Such  general  ideals  are  compatible  with  many 
different  interpretations,  and  thus  the  all-important 
question  will  be,  To  whom  will  fall  the  privilege  of  guid- 
ing China  in  the  paths  of  the  new  learning?  The  prestige 
acquired  by  Japan  through  her  successes  in  the  last  war 
gave  her  people  for  a time  a decided  ascendancy  of  intel- 
lectual leadership  in  China.  As  a Hindu  writer  has  ex- 
pressed it:  “Since  Japan  inflicted  upon  Russia  a signal 
defeat,  the  entire  Orient  is  pulsating  with  a new  life.  All 
Asia  seems  to  be  vibrant  to  follow  in  the  wake  of  Japan.” 
While  the  war  was  in  progress,  Buddhist  monks  from 
Japan  were  carrying  on  a propaganda  for  a revival  of 
their  religion  in  China,  and  Japanese  teachers  poured 
into  the  provinces  of  the  Empire  in  great  numbers. 
Though  there  were  among  them  many  of  insufficient 
training,  they  still  acted  as  a vanguard  of  progress  and 
education,  and  were  eagerly  received  by  the  progressive 
young  China.  Thousands  of  Chinese  students,  more- 
over, went  to  Japan  for  study.  The  movement  was  fos- 
tered on  the  part  of  Japan  by  such  associations  as  the 
Toa  Dobunkai  (“Society  of  the  countries  having  the 
same  script”),  who  favored  a strong  educational  propa- 
ganda. But  in  the  end,  the  military  success  of  Japan  in 
Manchuria  was  somewhat  too  great  not  to  fill  the  Chin- 
ese themselves  with  misgivings  as  to  their  own  political 
safety.  These  fears  have  been  accentuated  through  the 
manner  in  which  the  Japanese  have  maintained  their 
foothold  in  Manchuria,  through  the  treaties  between 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA  211 


Japan  and  various  European  powers  by  which  they  mu- 
tually guarantee  their  interests,  and  through  the  action 
of  Japan  in  the  Tatsu  Maru  incident.  A certain  conflict 
of  interests  could  not  be  concealed,  and  the  nationalist 
feeling  of  China  was  directed  against  any  further  expan- 
sion of  Japanese  influence  in  that  empire.  China  is  at 
present  not  turning  to  any  particular  nation  for  guid- 
ance, but  is  seeking,  as  did  Japan  thirty  years  ago,  to 
learn  the  best  methods  wherever  they  may  be  found. 

The  Chinese  Government  has  for  some  time  been  ac- 
tively encouraging  young  men  to  study  abroad  and  to 
get  from  travel,  observation,  and  systematic  study  at 
foreign  universities  that  knowledge  of  the  processes  and 
methods  of  Western  civilization  which  now  seems  essen- 
tial to  a further  development  of  Chinese  national  life.  In 
former  years  those  who  went  abroad  usually  went  upon 
their  own  impulse,  or  if  they  were  sent  by  authority, 
they  were  expected  to  prepare  themselves  for  a certain 
definite  task.  No  special  favor  was  shown  those  who  had 
a foreign  education.  On  the  contrary,  they  were  treated 
rather  with  jealousy  and  suspicion.  Now  all  this  is 
changed,  and  the  Government  itself  has  set  a premium 
on  foreign  learning.  When  the  old-style  examinations 
were  abolished,  the  Government  introduced  a special 
metropolitan  examination  in  which  the  students  trained 
abroad  were  to  be  tested  for  official  positions.  In  the 
summer  of  1906  the  first  group  of  students  was  thus  ex- 
amined at  Peking.  The  occasion  excited  deep  interest  in 


212  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


China  and  abroad,  and  it  seemed  a test,  not  only  for  the 
candidates  presenting  themselves,  but  for  the  examiners 
and  the  Chinese  Government,  with  respect  to  the  ability 
of  the  latter  to  select  men  frankly  and  equitably  on  the 
basis  of  proficiency  and  scientific  training.  To  conduct  an 
examination  of  this  kind,  with  no  precedents  to  guide 
and  with  candidates  trained  in  various  systems  of  edu- 
cation, was  indeed  no  small  task.  The  chief  official  in 
charge  was  H.  E.  Tang  Shao-yi,  but  the  actual  work  of 
examining  the  aspirants  fell  to  the  noted  scholar,  Yen-fu. 
In  determining  upon  the  standing  of  the  candidates,  the 
examiners  took  into  account  the  diplomas  presented,  the 
linguistic  ability  of  the  students,  and  their  knowledge  of 
their  respective  specialties.  In  order  not  to  give  the 
students  educated  in  Japan  a special  advantage,  it  was 
left  optional  with  the  candidates  in  what  language  they 
were  to  write  their  examination  papers.  A general  essay 
was  required  on  one  of  the  following  topics:  “The  Prac- 
ticability of  enforcing  Compulsory  Education  in  China 
at  present,”  “The  Means  of  improving  Chinese  Agri- 
culture,” “ How  the  Law  against  Chinese  Immigration 
may  be  modified  on  the  Basis  of  the  Chino-American 
Treaty,”  etc.  On  the  basis  of  this  test,  the  examiners 
awarded  the  doctorate  to  nine  candidates,  eight  of  whom 
had  been  trained  in  the  United  States.  The  master’s 
degree  was  awarded  to  twenty-three,  nearly  all  of  whom 
had  attended  Japanese  institutions.  Ten  candidates  were 
rejected.  Some  of  the  men  admitted  to  the  doctorate 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA  213 


were  so  ignorant  of  Chinese  writing  that  they  could 
not  even  decipher  the  decree  in  which  their  honor  was 
granted.  The  Government  therefore  decided  that  in  fut- 
ure examinations  the  composition  of  an  essay  in  Chin- 
ese will  be  required  in  order  to  oblige  the  students  to  give 
due  attention  to  their  own  national  literature  and  lan- 
guage. In  1907,  Grand  Secretary  Chang  Chih-tung  him- 
self supervised  the  metropolitan  examination,  being 
assisted  by  a few  of  the  successful  graduates  of  the  pre- 
vious year.  It  was  reported  that  “ His  Excellency  was 
sympathetic  on  this  occasion,  and  that,  therefore,  the 
examination  was  marked  by  the  success  of  many  Japan- 
ese returned  students.”  This  report  indicates  the  cur- 
rent belief  that  success  in  these  great  examinations,  to  a 
certain  extent,  depends  upon  the  mood  of  the  examin- 
ers; and,  indeed,  it  would  be  difficult,  if  not  impossible, 
to  invent  a method  of  conducting  this  test  which  would 
be  mathematically  accurate  in  its  results.  At  this  second 
examination  the  candidates  were  required  to  write  a 
Chinese  essay,  in  which  enterprise  many  proved  sad 
failures.  In  the  subsequent  year  an  American  graduate 
again  carried  off  first  honors,  while  the  larger  number  of 
those  rejected  as  failures  had  studied  in  Japan.  In  1910 
the  number  of  candidates  had  risen  to  over  six  hundred. 
This  body  of  highly  trained  young  men,  the  cream  of  the 
intellectual  youth  of  China,  are  reported  to  have  pre- 
sented a very  inspiring  sight  to  the  older  men.  Nearly  all 
of  them  showed  that  they  had  not  only  devoted  their 


214  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


time  to  the  study  of  books,  but  had  received  athletic 
training  in  the  gymnasium,  in  sports,  and  outdoor 
games.  On  this  occasion  the  students  from  Japan  were 
so  successful  that  it  was  charged  that  the  examining 
board  had  not  been  entirely  impartial,  — another  in- 
dication of  how  difficult  it  is  to  satisfy  the  public  that 
the  mode  of  selection  is  absolutely  fair  to  all. 

On  account  of  the  difficulty  of  settling  upon  a definite 
and  permanent  policy  of  examination,  the  whole  system 
has  been  condemned  by  many,  together  with  the  prefer- 
ence which  is  given  to  the  government  schools  in  the 
matter  of  selecting  men  for  the  lower  degrees.  A great 
many  people  hark  back  with  regret  to  the  immemorial 
method.  It  is  claimed  for  the  old  training  that  it  consti- 
tuted a true  and  thorough  education  of  the  faculties  of 
the  mind,  and  as  well  that  it  gave  to  the  students  refine- 
ment and  distinction.  But  what  is  urged  specially  against 
the  new  examinations  is  that  a student  may  prepare  for 
them  by  cramming,  that  a superficial  knowledge  of  facts 
and  principles  memorized  in  view  of  the  occasion  may 
carry  him  through,  or  at  least  assist  materially  toward 
his  success.  Such  methods  were  impossible  under  the  old 
system,  which  tested,  as  it  were,  the  candidate’s  entire 
literary  personality,  his  ability,  his  taste,  and  that  im- 
mersion in  literary  ideas  which  can  come  only  after  a 
long  training.  So  there  is  a great  deal  of  mutual  recrim- 
ination. The  adherents  of  the  classics  are  picturesquely 
described  as  “fossils  rottening  in  the  odor  of  a putrid 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA  215 


past”;  while  the  supporters  of  modem  science  are 
castigated  as  being  hysterical  and  throwing  to  the  winds 
the  wholesome  restraints  of  Confucian  wisdom. 

But  the  old  system  has  irrevocably  passed  away. 
Never  again  will  proficiency  in  composing  the  eight- 
legged essay  lead  to  distinction  and  official  power  in 
China.  The  need  of  a mastery  of  scientific  processes  of 
thought  and  action  has  been  too  clearly  seen  and  too 
profoundly  felt  to  allow  such  a revival;  but  undoubtedly 
the  tendency  will  grow  stronger  to  keep  training  on  a na- 
tional basis  by  drawing  from  the  traditional  learning  of 
China  those  elements  which  are  of  permanent  value  and 
insisting  upon  their  acquisition  by  the  youth  of  the  land. 

For  the  purpose  of  admission  to  office,  the  foreign 
mission  schools  are  not  recognized.  In  the  words  of  the 
edict,  “ In  order  to  safeguard  the  educational  interests  of 
China,  graduates  of  foreign  schools  in  China  are  not  to 
be  admitted  to  the  examinations.”  When  the  excellent 
work  is  remembered  which  these  schools  have  done  in 
many  parts  of  China,  this  decree  will  appear  illiberal. 
The  Government,  however,  feels  that  every  means  must 
be  taken  to  preserve  the  national  character  of  the  move- 
ment, and  not  to  allow  it  to  fall  under  the  control  of  for- 
eign educators.  There  is  also  a certain  amount  of  com- 
petition between  the  schools  established  by  the  Govern- 
ment and  those  independently  founded  by  the  gentry  of 
different  localities.  It  is  only  the  government  schools 
whose  students  are  directly  admitted  to  public  examina- 


216  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


tions,  and  in  the  law  for  election  of  provincial  assemblies, 
training  in  these  same  schools  is  given  as  one  of  the  qual- 
ifications for  suffrage.  The  law  states,  “or  its  equival- 
ent,” but  of  course  the  burden  of  proof  would  be  on 
those  coming  from  other  than  government  schools  to 
prove  that  the  equivalent  exists.  The  fact  that  training 
in  the  schools  of  the  Government  is  thus  given  a special 
place  in  the  political  life  of  the  state  has  led  to  the  popu- 
lar belief  that  those  who  pass  through  this  course  will 
surely  be  provided  with  public  office;  the  Government 
thus  finds  itself  swamped  with  large  numbers  of  expect- 
ant officials.  Undoubtedly  a different  system  will  have 
to  be  worked  out.  The  authorities  of  the  central  and  pro- 
vincial governments  may  continue  to  examine  the  stud- 
ents who  have  absorbed  their  training,  in  order  to  be- 
stow upon  them  the  literary  degrees;  but  by  the  side  of 
this  it  will  be  necessary  to  establish  distinct  civil  service 
examinations  in  order  to  test  men  effectively  as  to  their 
preparation  and  capability  for  undertaking  some  one  of 
the  different  lines  of  governmental  work. 

The  government  students  who  are  sent  to  the  Western 
countries  and  to  Japan  receive  a liberal  expense  allow- 
ance and  remain  under  the  guidance  and  guardianship 
of  the  Chinese  embassies.  At  times  the  ministries  at 
home  may  even  specifically  direct  their  studies.  Thus  in 
1907,  the  Ministry  of  Justice  cabled  to  eighteen  stud- 
ents, ordering  them  to  make  special  preparatory  studies 
so  as  to  be  able  to  assist  in  the  codification  of  Chinese 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA  217 


law.  The  students  who  are  selected  to  go  to  the  United 
States  on  the  income  of  the  returned  indemnity  fund  are 
selected  in  an  annual  examination  held  in  Peking.  At 
the  first  of  these,  fifteen  hundred  candidates  presented 
themselves,  out  of  whom  fifty  were  selected.  Large 
numbers  of  Chinese  students  also  go  to  foreign  countries 
on  their  own  account.  The  majority  of  these  attend 
Japanese  institutions,  on  account  of  the  proximity  and 
inexpensiveness  of  the  latter.  Immediately  after  the 
Russian  war,  there  were  as  many  as  fifteen  thousand 
Chinese  in  Japanese  universities.  The  number  has  now 
receded  to  about  eight  thousand.  Much  criticism  has 
been  aroused  by  the  behavior  of  the  Japanese  students 
after  their  return  to  China.  Many  of  these  young  men 
have  attempted  to  cast  off  all  restraint,  moral,  social, 
and  political.  The  sudden  transference  of  a young 
Chinaman,  brought  up  in  a life  of  strict  regularity,  to  an 
atmosphere  of  entire  freedom,  is  accompanied  with  dan- 
ger to  his  character.  To  judge  from  all  the  accounts  of 
student  life  in  Tokyo,  the  freedom  enjoyed  by  the  Jap- 
anese students  was  turned  into  licence  and  licentious- 
ness by  many  of  the  young  men  from  China.  So,  instead 
of  becoming  a source  of  strength,  of  character  building, 
instead  of  imparting  to  the  students  the  morale  needed 
by  men  starting  upon  careers  of  constructive  work  and 
struggle,  Tokyo  proved  an  enervating  Capua  to  many  of 
them,  stealing  away  their  spirit  and  leaving  them  uncer- 
tain of  purpose  and  helmless.  For  these  undesirable 


218  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


results,  however,  the  Japanese  system  of  education  can 
by  no  means  be  held  responsible.  The  cause  must  be 
sought  rather  in  the  general  conditions  of  Tokyo  student 
life,  in  the  uprooting  of  old  customs  and  inherited  ideas, 
in  a hasty  struggle  for  everything  new,  and  in  the  general 
immaturity  of  the  Chinese  students.  How  inadequate 
are  our  common  notions  of  Chinese  slavery  to  custom 
and  of  the  stolidity  of  Chinese  character.  Custom,  in- 
deed, is  strong,  but  it  restrains  in  ordinary  circumstances 
an  almost  equally  strong  impulse  to  high-wrought  and 
passionate  action.  Let  once  this  control  be  removed,  and 
the  individualistic  tendency  of  China  apparently  knows 
no  bounds.  Moreover,  while  the  regularly  established 
Japanese  institutions  of  learning  performed  a great  serv- 
ice to  Chinese  students,  many  of  the  latter  unfortun- 
ately fell  into  the  hands  of  educational  adventurers,  who 
made  a business  of  rapidly  furnishing  a makeshift  educa- 
tion (the  soku  sei  method)  and  sent  their  victims  back  to 
China  with  graduation  certificates  and  with  a feeling  of 
great  personal  consequence,  but  without  any  vestige  of 
serious  training. 

The  belief,  so  common  among  returned  Japanese  stud- 
ents, in  the  efficacy  of  revolutionary  movements  and 
their  great  admiration  for  the  French  Revolution,  is  a 
notable  con'sequence  of  these  superficial  methods  of 
study.  Such  results  of  Japanese  education  have  rend- 
ered the  Government  less  prone  to  encourage  student 
migration  to  that  country.  In  some  provinces,  Japanese 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA  219 


students  have  even  been  made  the  objects  of  indiscrim- 
inating  and  fanatical  persecution  on  the  part  of  the  offi- 
cials. The  mere  word  “Japanese  student”  has  become  a 
term  of  reproach  in  the  ears  of  the  officials.  It  is  perhaps 
well  that  the  institutions  of  Japan  should  be  purged  of 
this  irresponsible  element.  Then  only  will  they  be  able 
to  fulfill  their  mission  of  interpreting  Western  scientific 
civilization  to  the  majority  of  Chinese  foreign  students, 
who,  in  the  nature  of  things,  will  always  seek  instruc- 
tion in  Japan.  A stricter  control  over  the  Chinese  stud- 
ents is  now  exercised  through  the  minister  residing  at 
Tokyo,  in  which  effort  the  Governments  of  both  coun- 
tries cooperate.  So  the  ill  report  of  the  “Japanese 
student”  will  be  a passing  phase. 

The  political  propaganda  which  is  carried  on  by  Chin- 
ese students,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  is  a most  inter- 
esting phase  of  the  present  situation.  They  are  intensely 
nationalistic  and  desire  to  make  their  influence  felt, 
either  by  appealing  directly  to  the  Government  or  by 
working  upon  public  opinion.  It  is  a very  common  thing 
for  officials  at  Peking,  or  for  provincial  governments,  to 
be  flooded  with  telegraphic  messages  and  cablegrams  by 
students,  whenever  any  action  is  planned  that  does  not 
appeal  to  their  sense  of  fitness.  This  has  taken  place 
especially  whenever  it  was  believed  that  the  Govern- 
ment was  on  the  point  of  granting  a foreign  concession  or 
taking  up  a foreign  loan.  The  venerable  Chang  Chih- 
tung,  when  at  the  head  of  the  educational  board,  admin- 


220  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


istered  a fatherly  rebuke  to  the  youthful  politicians  in  a 
decree,  in  which  he  advised  students  to  apply  themselves 
to  their  studies  in  order  to  gain  a certain  mastery  of  their 
subject  before  undertaking  to  counsel  the  Government 
on  how  to  manage  the  country.  But  the  practice  has 
not  fallen  into  disuse  and  seems  to  be  as  popular  as  ever. 
During  the  queue-cutting  propaganda,  the  students  in  a 
great  many  governmental  schools  had  their  appendages 
removed  as  a sign  of  independence  and  progressive 
spirit.  In  Tientsin  and  other  places  the  use  of  military 
force  had  to  be  threatened  to  awe  school  children,  mere 
boys  and  girls,  who  were  proceeding  to  go  on  a strike  in 
order  to  force  the  publication  of  an  edict  announcing  the 
immediate  assembling  of  a national  parliament.  When 
the  Russo-Chinese  question  was  in  an  acute  stage,  early 
in  1911,  twelve  hundred  Chinese  students  assembled  in  a 
Tokyo  restaurant  for  the  purpose  of  discussing  the  situ- 
ation. After  much  heated  oratory  had  been  discharged, 
the  students  decided  that  their  Government  had  been 
culpable  in  its  weakness  and  that  their  country  had  been 
humiliated.  They  resolved  to  form  a society  for  the  pur- 
pose of  urging  a strong  foreign  policy  and  agreed  to  sub- 
scribe ten  yen  each  toward  the  first  expenses.  Telegrams 
were  to  be  sent  to  all  the  local  assemblies  in  China.  Eight 
hundred  of  the  students  — those  who  received  their  edu- 
cation at  government  expense  — then  went  to  the  Chin- 
ese minister  and  demanded  money  from  the  funds  held 
on  their  account.  After  futile  efforts  to  placate  them, 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA  221 


the  minister  finally  paid  over  the  money,  out  of  which 
the  expense  of  sending  the  telegrams  was  defrayed.  Such 
happenings  illustrate  vividly  the  independent  spirit  and 
the  interest  in  public  affairs  which  animate  the  youth 
of  China. 

A great  technical  difficulty  which  confronts  the  work- 
ers in  the  cause  of  education  and  scientific  reform  lies  in 
the  character  of  Chinese  literary  expression.  The  class- 
ical written  language  which  has  been  taught  in  the  school 
from  time  immemorial  is  less  of  a living  vernacular  in 
China  than  Latin  is  with  us.  The  spoken  language  is 
divided  into  numerous  dialects,  with  extreme  varieties 
of  expression  and  of  pronunciation.  According  to  the 
educational  decree  of  the  Government,  an  effort  is  to  be 
made  to  give  all  instruction  in  the  public  schools  in  the 
so-called  Mandarin  dialect,  that  is,  the  dialect  spoken  in 
most  of  the  interior  provinces  of  China.  If  in  this  man- 
ner the  adoption  of  a universal  spoken  language  could 
be  brought  about,  the  new  educational  system  will  have 
subserved  a very  important  purpose  towards  the  crea- 
tion of  political  unity.  But  another  serious  difficulty  lies 
in  the  translation  of  scientific  terms.  The  Chinese  liter- 
ary language,  being  concise  in  the  extreme  and  subject 
to  much  misunderstanding  in  its  spoken  form,  is  as  yet 
an  imperfect  vehicle  for  the  purpose  of  imparting  accur- 
ate scientific  ideas,  though  its  potential  efficiency  is 
great.  Doctor  Yen  Fu  has  performed  a heroic  intellect- 
ual task  by  creating  for  himself  an  entire  code  of  philo- 


222  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


sophical  expressions  in  his  translations  of  Spencer  and 
Huxley.  But  so  far  there  is  little  uniformity  in  such 
usage;  every  writer  does  as  best  he  can,  and  much  confu- 
sion and  uncertainty  of  thought  results.  In  order  to 
avoid  misunderstanding,  Chinese  writers  often  add  the 
foreign  term  to  the  expression  into  which  they  have  trans- 
lated it  in  their  works.  But  the  genius  of  the  Chinese 
language  is  opposed  to  the  introduction  of  foreign  words, 
and  a way  must  be  found,  even  at  the  cost  of  immense 
intellectual  labor,  of  developing  a concise  and  accurate 
technical  vocabulary  in  the  various  sciences. 

In  providing  educational  materials,  the  Japanese  and 
the  Germans  have  been  most  active.  Tons  of  school- 
books, histories,  geographies,  and  scientific  apparatus 
have  been  prepared  by  the  Japanese  for  the  Chinese 
market.  The  German  Government  recently  fitted  out  a 
traveling  exhibition  of  school  supplies,  such  as  maps, 
models,  chairs,  and  scientific  instruments,  which  was 
sent  through  the  provinces  of  China,  and  which  every- 
where excited  the  interest  of  persons  engaged  in  edu- 
cation. It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  anything  about 
the  importance,  to  any  nation,  of  leadership  in  the 
matter  of  Chinese  scientific  training.  No  civilizing 
aim  of  wider  bearing  can  be  subserved  at  the  present 
time  by  any  country  than  to  attract  Chinese  stud- 
ents and  to  give  them  a thorough  training  in  scien- 
tific methods  of  investigation;  nor  will  the  country 
that  accomplishes  this  task  lack  a liberal  recompense 


THE  NEW  EDUCATION  IN  CHINA  223 


in  the  way  of  cultural  and  ethical  influence  of  a thor- 
oughly legitimate  kind. 

When  we  consider  the  entire  educational  movement  in 
contemporary  China,  we  are  forced  to  admit  that,  wdth 
all  the  daring  innovations  that  have  been  made,  the  great 
battle  is  yet  to  come.  The  first  enthusiasm  must  be 
turned  into  the  sustained  energy  of  daily  effort  on  the 
part  of  millions  of  students  and  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
instructors.  The  substitution  of  the  attitude  of  scientific 
work  for  the  old  literary  amateurism  cannot  be  the  mat- 
ter of  a few  years.  For  a long  time  China  will  have  to 
suffer  from  the  ravages  of  pseudo-science.  A distinctive 
and  promising  feature  of  the  “Young  China”  spirit  is 
the  emphasis  of  scientific  and  historical  training.  But 
while  the  prime  desideratum  ought  to  be  rigid  training 
in  scientific  methods  of  observation,  yet,  in  the  selection 
of  courses,  the  cultural  subjects  should  not  be  entirely 
neglected  in  favor  of  the  branches  which,  on  the  surface 
are  more  practical.  One  of  the  greatest  friends  of  Chin- 
ese education,  Mr.  Tong  Kai-son,  has  expressed  regret 
that  so  many  of  the  men  going  to  the  West  are  intent 
upon  technical  subjects  alone.  There  is  so  great  a need 
in  China  for  transmitters  of  modem  culture,  for  true  na- 
tional teachers  who  have  mastered  the  philosophy  and 
history  of  the  West,  and  who  can  combat  the  superficial 
conclusions  of  immature  minds.  The  attitude  of  the 
Government  itself  is  more  favorable  to  purely  technical 
studies,  like  engineering,  physical  science,  and  jurisprud- 


224 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


ence.  So  it  may  be  that  the  larger  number  of  students 
who  are  sent  abroad  through  government  assistance  will 
continue  to  devote  themselves  to  those  subjects,  and 
that  the  more  general  cultural  branches  will  be  pursued 
more  generally  by  those  who  provide  their  own  means 
and  who,  therefore,  in  many  instances,  will  not  get 
farther  than  Japan.  This  would  seem  to  indicate  that  in 
the  general  interpretation  of  cultural  and  philosophical 
ideas,  Japan  will  continue  to  hold  a prominent  position 
in  the  Orient. 


CHAPTER  VI 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 

Though  history  repeats  itself,  it  does  so  only  in  the 
great  outlines  of  events.  There  is  no  iteration  of  con- 
crete facts,  and  as  the  pageant  of  history  passes,  we  be- 
hold an  unending  variety  of  incident.  Thus,  while  the 
events  which  have  happened  in  the  political  world  of 
China  during  the  last  three  years  may  be  expressed  in 
the  general  form  of  ideas  with  which  we  are  abundantly 
familiar,  such  as  political  agitation  and  constitutional 
reform,  the  actual  facts  of  the  situation  in  China  in  de- 
tail are  unprecedented.  They  constitute  an  entirely 
novel  eventuality  in  the  history  of  the  world. 

The  change  which  China  is  undergoing  at  present 
may  be  expressed  by  saying  that  Chinese  society  is  be- 
coming political.  Hitherto  it  has  lived  from  generation 
to  generation  by  custom,  with  no  consciousness  of  polit- 
ical aims  or  purposes;  nor  has  the  Government  itself  been 
influenced  in  its  action  by  definite  policies.  Secure  in  its 
authority,  it  has  selected  its  servants  on  the  basis  of  ex- 
amination tests,  reenforced  by  such  favor  as  promising 
candidates  might  be  able  to  obtain  through  douceurs  of 
various  kinds.  Now,  all  of  a sudden,  the  political  im- 
pulse is  strongly  awakening  in  the  breast  of  the  Chinese 


226  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


people.  They  see  before  them  the  nations  which  are 
consciously  guiding  their  policy  from  the  point  of  view 
of  national  life  and  national  interests.  It  will  no  longer 
do  to  drift,  to  let  customs  take  care  of  themselves,  to 
deal  with  foreign  nations  from  day  to  day  in  compro- 
mises, which  never  go  to  the  root  of  a policy,  but  simply 
gloss  over  the  difficulties  of  the  moment.  The  intellectual 
and  responsible  among  the  Chinese  people  are  feeling  a 
deep  need  for  a conscious  expression  of  national  policy, 
and  for  the  use  of  careful  reason  and  long-headed  fore- 
sight, as  well  as  calm  firmness,  in  the  management  of 
their  national  affairs. 

The  impulse  came  from  without.  Chinese  self-com- 
placency suffered  a rude  shock  in  the  Japanese  war  of 
1894.  On  account  of  the  lack  of  centralization  and  of 
a common  patriotism,  this  shock  would  probably  have 
remained  without  a deep  influence  upon  Chinese  life  had 
it  not  been  followed  by  other  and  more  serious  catastro- 
phes. It  was,  however,  the  signal  for  inroads  upon  China 
by  all  sorts  of  political  and  economic  influences  from 
without.  The  division  of  China  impended.  The  masses 
of  the  people,  at  first  vaguely  restless,  were  soon  deeply 
moved  by  fears  and  passions  akin  to  panic,  unrestrained, 
yes,  even  assisted,  by  high  officials  who  were  themselves 
not  clear  in  their  political  aims.  So  they  rushed  head- 
long into  new  trouble  by  attacking  the  foreigners  and 
their  legations.  Again  China  was  to  receive  a poignant 
impression  of  her  own  weakness.  This  warning  was 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


227 


accentuated  when  Russia  made  herself  at  home  in  Man- 
churia, and  refused  to  listen  to  Chinese  demands.  The 
militant  and  political  genius  of  Japan  evinced  itself; 
by  contrast  with  Japanese  victories  and  diplomatic  suc- 
cesses, the  Chinese  at  last  came  to  perceive  the  depth  of 
inefficiency  to  which  their  national  life  had  sunk.  Most 
touchingly  this  feeling  expressed  itself  in  the  formation 
of  “national  humiliation  societies.”  Hundreds  of  thous- 
ands became  members,  and  women  gave  up  the  wearing 
of  rings  or  other  ornaments,  with  the  exception  of  one 
upon  which  were  engraved  the  words  “ national  humiliar 
tion.”  Thus  was  China  shocked  into  a feeling  of  her  own 
weakness,  and  of  the  dangers  that  beset  her  on  account 
of  the  absence  of  a strong  national  political  spirit. 

The  question  was  how  to  escape  from  this  humiliating 
condition.  That  some  change  was  necessary  was  recog- 
nized even  by  the  most  conservative,  but  the  remedies 
suggested  went  all  the  way  to  the  revolutionary  proposal 
of  the  establishment  of  a republic.  The  Government  was 
fully  impressed  with  the  seriousness  of  the  situation.  It 
tried  to  find  its  path  to  a policy  of  national  reform.  It 
abolished  the  artificial  system  of  education  under  which 
the  officials  of  China  had  hitherto  been  trained,  estab- 
lished public  schools,  and  provided  for  instruction  in 
science,  law,  history,  and  politics.  It  sent  study-com- 
missions to  foreign  countries  to  gather  accurate  inform- 
ation suitable  to  Chinese  conditions,  from  all  the  coun- 
tries of  the  world.  The  reports  of  these  embassies  were 


228  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


published  in  large  editions,  and  were  eagerly  read  by  the 
educated  throughout  China,  forming  a basis  for  polit- 
ical information. 

The  task  of  reform  before  the  Government  was,  in- 
deed, an  appalling  one.  To  transform  the  easy-going 
system  of  administration,  under  which  the  Empire  had 
lived  for  centuries  in  time  of  peace  and  in  the  absence 
of  all  foreign  competition,  into  a centralized,  modern 
engine  of  national  action,  is  in  itself  an  undertaking  that 
calls  for  the  greatest  originality  and  statesmanship.  But 
the  educated  people  of  China  were  not  satisfied  to  have 
the  Government  concern  itself  with  the  administration 
alone.  They  instinctively  centred  all  their  demands 
about  the  cry  for  a national  parliament.  How  could  the 
nation  be  one  before  there  had  been  created  an  organ  to 
express  its  national  public  opinion?  It  was  argued  that, 
as  all  efficient  countries  are  provided  with  parliaments, 
as  Japan  had  strengthened  herself  by  creating  such  an 
institution,  the  establishment  of  a national  assembly 
must  be  the  first  step  of  actual  reform.  Thus  reasoned 
reformers  of  all  degrees  of  radicalism. 

The  Government  recognized  the  justice  of  these  de- 
mands. It  understood  that  in  the  great  movement  for 
public  efficiency  which  it  had  undertaken,  it  ought  to  be 
able  to  rely  upon  the  cooperation  of  the  Chinese  people 
and  of  the  natural  leaders  of  Chinese  society.  What 
better  institution  could  be  conceived  for  gathering  up  all 
this  powerful  social  support  than  a deliberative  assembly? 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


229 


But  the  Government  was  as  yet  by  no  means  decided  as 
to  the  character  and  form  which  should  be  given  to  this 
institution.  By  the  highly  important  decree  of  Septem- 
ber 1,  1906,  it,  however,  put  itself  on  record  as  favoring 
a constitution  and  the  participation  of  the  people  in 
matters  of  government. 

The  last  five  years  have  been  full  of  nervous  action 
and  reaction.  Attempts  to  arrive  at  clear  ideas  with 
respect  to  great  questions  of  policy  have  been  interrupted 
again  and  again  by  personal  controversy,  court  intrigues, 
and  the  panicky  fear  of  revolutionary  movements.  The 
forces  which  the  Government  has  to  deal  with  are  com- 
plex in  the  extreme.  The  imperial  clan  itself,  being  non- 
Chinese,  must  avoid  the  appearance  of  following  a mere 
family  or  clan  policy.  The  privileged  position  occupied 
by  Manchu  officials  had  long  been  irksome  to  the  influ- 
ential Chinese.  The  mitigation  of  these  jealousies,  the 
unification  of  these  two  elements  in  the  official  world,  or 
at  all  events  the  adjustment  of  their  mutual  claims,  was 
therefore  one  of  the  first  problems  to  be  faced.  The  Em- 
press Dowager  always  had  reason  to  fear  that  the  great 
national  renaissance  in  China  might  take  an  anti-dynas- 
tic direction.  The  efforts  of  high  Manchu  officials  to 
avoid  such  a result  led  them,  in  1900,  to  make  common 
cause  with  the  Boxers.  From  the  point  of  view  of  the 
imperial  house,  it  is  a most  serious  question  how  far  the 
nationalist  enthusiasm  and  propaganda  can  be  harmon- 
ized with  continuance  of  Manchu  domination.  That 


230  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


the  true  solution  lies  in  the  absorption  of  the  Manchus 
by  the  mass  of  the  Chinese  people,  and  in  the  suppres- 
sion of  artificial  privileges,  is  recognized  by  the  Gov- 
ernment, many  of  whose  recent  measures  have  been 
based  upon  such  a policy. 

The  Government,  acting  through  its  high  Chinese 
and  Manchu  officials,  has  to  deal,  further,  with  all  the 
interests,  desires,  and  tendencies  among  the  four  hun- 
dred million  people  of  the  eighteen  provinces  and  of  the 
dependencies.  That  the  desire  for  a unified  national  life 
and  for  an  effective  expression  thereof  has  become  so 
strong  that  resistance  to  it  would  invite  revolution,  is 
fully  recognized;  but,  as  elsewhere,  the  people  is  com- 
posed of  many  elements,  discordant  and  confused  in 
their  aims  and  ideas.  The  masses  of  the  people,  the  peas- 
ants, tradesmen,  and  coolie  laborers,  have  not  as  yet 
come  into  political  consciousness.  They  are  simple- 
minded,  easily  guided  this  way  or  that  by  their  leaders, 
but  also  apt  to  run  into  sudden  frenzies  of  anger  or 
panic,  which,  when  once  unloosened,  have  all  the  force 
of  an  earthquake  or  typhoon.  The  intellectual  class,  on 
the  other  hand,  composed  of  men  of  education  and  of 
commercial  and  industrial  importance,  is,  as  that  class 
usually  has  been,  desirous  of  placing  the  institutions  of 
the  country  upon  a basis  less  broad  than  that  of  a pure 
democracy.  Only  the  most  radical  reformers  clamor  for 
universal  suffrage.  The  middle  class  is  merely  demand- 
ing parliamentary  institutions  through  which  the  intel- 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


231 


lect  of  the  nation  may  manifest  itself  in  politics.  On  ac- 
count of  the  constitution  of  Chinese  society,  the  influence 
of  these  men  on  their  own  neighborhoods  is  greater  even 
than  that  of  the  middle  class  in  other  countries.  It  is 
they  who  do  the  political  thinking,  and  whose  ideas  are 
willingly  followed  and  supported  by  the  less  educated. 
If  the  Government  could  appeal  directly  to  the  masses 
of  the  people,  it  might  ignore  the  middle  class;  but 
it  is  impossible  to  organize  the  Chinese  state  on  an 
efficient  basis,  to  concentrate  all  the  vast  human  energy 
which  it  contains,  without  taking  into  account  the  de- 
sires of  these  natural  leaders  in  the  various  communities. 

The  Government  has  definitely  embarked  upon  the 
policy  of  parliamentary  institutions.  Foreign  as  this 
conception  is  to  the  inherent  character  of  Oriental  au- 
thority, the  exigencies  of  political  life  have  prevailed, 
and  the  counselors  of  the  Empire  have  placed  the  insti- 
tution of  a parliament  among  the  leading  reforms  which 
are  to  give  China  a new  vitality.  By  imperial  edict  in 
September,  1907,  it  was  decreed  that  the  constitutional 
government  of  the  state  should  rest  upon  the  principle 
of  mutual  counsel.  Two  houses  of  parliament  are  held  to 
be  the  proper  foundation  of  government;  and,  though  the 
time  is  not  yet  ripe  for  the  creation  of  both,  as  a basis  for 
the  future  institution  the  decree  provided  for  the  sum- 
moning of  a national  consultative  assembly  to  be  known 
as  the  “Tsecheng  Yuan,”  which  signifies,  “Council  of 
Advice.”  This  body  was  to  be  composed  of  delegates 


232  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


nominated  partly  by  the  Government  itself,  partly 
selected  by  the  provincial  assemblies.  The  Manchu 
prince,  Pulun,  and  a high  Chinese  official  were  appointed 
respectively  president  and  vice-president.  The  consti- 
tution, rules,  and  regulations  of  this  body  were  to  be 
worked  out  before  the  time  of  its  meeting.  Though  no 
definite  expression  was  made  on  this  point,  the  functions 

I 

of  the  national  assembly  were  probably  conceived  as 
similar  to  those  of  the  advisory  councils  of  the  Indian 
Government,  to  whom  legislative  and  administrative 
measures  are  submitted  for  advice,  but  whose  determin- 
ations do  not  of  themselves  have  the  force  of  law.  By 
another  edict  there  were  established  in  the  various  pro- 
vinces bodies  similar  to  the  national  assembly  which  were 
to  deal  with  all  proposals  for  provincial  legislation.  Ac- 
cording to  the  first  form  of  the  edict,  these  were  to  be  ap- 
pointed by  the  provincial  governors  from  among  not- 
ables and  heavy  taxpayers  of  the  provinces.  They,  too, 
were  to  act  only  in  an  advisory  capacity.  A certain  por- 
tion of  the  membership  of  the  national  assembly  was  to 
be  selected  from  these  provincial  bodies. 

The  reception  given  to  these  edicts  among  the  intell- 
igent people  of  China  was  far  from  enthusiastic.  They 
expected  a more  definite  enunciation  of  the  policy  of  the 
Government  as  to  the  organization  and  the  powers  of 
the  national  assembly,  and,  before  all,  they  insisted  upon 
the  right  of  electing  representatives  instead  of  having 
them  appointed.  They  were  glad  enough  to  see  provin- 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


233 


cial  councils  established;  but  the  organ  most  necessary 
in  their  opinion  for  the  upbuilding  of  Chinese  national  life 
is  a sovereign  parliament  representing  the  entire  people 
of  the  Chinese  provinces.  They  did  not,  indeed,  urge 
universal  suffrage,  and  a taxpaying  or  educational  quali- 
fication for  electors  would  have  been  perfectly  accept- 
able; but  upon  election  they  did  insist,  claiming  that 
councils  composed  of  appointed  officials  would  not 
represent  public  opinion,  but  would  constitute  merely 
glorified  debating  societies.  The  more  truculent  among 
the  editors  charged  the  Government  with  evasion  and 
disingenuousness,  in  that,  after  having  promised  a con- 
stitution, it  was  now  trying  to  put  off  the  people  with  a 
deceptive  appearance  of  parliamentary  institutions. 
They  expressed  distrust  of  mandarins,  and  charged  that 
the  whole  reform  movement  was  being  turned  into  a 
means  for  personal  advantage  and  into  degrading  in- 
trigues. The  Government,  being  aggrieved  by  such  a 
lack  of  confidence,  in  December,  1907,  issued  a decree 
counseling  conservatism ; it  urged  that  the  people  should 
participate  in  public  affairs,  not  as  mobs  and  in  a dis- 
orderly fashion,  but  with  respect  for  law  and  in  that 
regular  and  organized  manner  which  characterizes  the 
use  of  parliamentary  institutions  in  Europe. 

In  the  year  when  the  establishment  of  these  repre- 
sentative bodies  was  decreed,  the  Government  had  also 
created  a council  known  as  “Hsien-cheng  Pien-cha- 
kuan,w  or  the  “Commission  for  the  Study  of  Constitu- 


234  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


tional  Government.”  The  work  assigned  to  this  body 
was  the  investigation  of  political  conditions  and  needs  in 
the  provincial  and  national  life  of  China,  and  the  study  of 
foreign  institutions  which  might  be,  in  whole  or  in  part, 
applicable  to  these  needs.  The  council  is,  in  a way,  a con- 
stitutional convention,  which,  on  the  basis  of  its  find- 
ings of  fact,  works  out  projects  for  fundamental  laws 
which  are  then  submitted  to  the  Throne  and  to  the 
Great  Council  for  their  sanction.  Its  character,  to  a cer- 
tain extent,  combines  the  functions  of  a commission  of 
inquiry  with  those  of  a legislative  body.  The  depart- 
ment is  made  up  of  high  Manchu  and  Chinese  officials 
whom  the  Government  has  long  known  and  trusted.  At 
one  time,  indeed,  in  the  spring  of  1908,  when  the  critic- 
isms which  we  have  noted  were  current,  an  appointment 
was  made  which  indicated  the  desire  of  the  Government 
to  accord  representation  also  to  the  more  advanced 
views  among  the  reformers.  The  appointment  was  that 
of  Yang  Tau,  a man  who  had  lived  abroad  as  a student 
and  a follower  of  Kang  Yeu-wei,  the  original  reform 
leader  of  China.  While  still  loyal  to  the  dynasty,  he  re- 
presents advanced  views  on  institutional  reform.  His 
firm  attitude  in  this  matter  was  preserved  by  him  in  his 
official  position.  Shortly  after  his  appointment,  he 
delivered  an  address  of  five  hours  before  the  commis- 
sion, in  the  course  of  which  he  declared  that  he  had  come 
up  to  the  capital,  not  for  office  nor  for  honor,  but  for  the 
settlement  of  this  life-and-death  question  for  China.  If 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


235 


he  could  not  assist  the  Government  in  forming  the  par- 
liament, he  would  rather  leave  and  help  the  people  in 
various  provinces  to  obtain  it,  regardless  of  whatever 
danger  he  might  himself  incur.  While  he  has  remained 
firm  in  his  unqualified  belief  that  the  national  parlia- 
ment is  the  indispensable  condition  of  all  other  reforms, 
he  has  become  one  of  the  strongest  defenders  of  the  ad- 
ministrative policy  of  the  Government. 

The  Commission  of  Constitutional  Study  set  to  work 
with  energy  on  the  problem  of  how  to  transform  the 
antiquated  machinery  of  the  Chinese  Government  into 
an  efficient  organization  in  which  all  the  various  factors 
would  cooperate  harmoniously.  In  May,  1908,  a vote 
was  taken  in  the  council  as  to  how  soon  a constitution 
should  be  granted.  Yang  Tau  and  three  others  voted  for 
the  shortest  period  — two  years.  Seven  counselors  fa- 
vored a period  of  five  years,  eight  a period  of  seven 
years,  twelve  a period  of  ten  years,  and  one  believed  it 
wise  to  defer  the  grant  of  parliamentary  institutions  for 
twenty  years.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  mem- 
bers who  voted  for  the  shortest  period  had  been  edu- 
cated according  to  the  old  school,  or  in  Japanese  institu- 
tions, while  those  who  had  an  American  or  a European 
education  generally  voted  for  a longer  term,  in  most 
cases  for  that  of  ten  years. 

As  was  to  be  foreseen,  the  Government  sided  with  the 
more  conservative  view,  and  in  its  edict  of  August  27, 
1908,  it  decreed  that  during  the  next  nine  years  reforms 


236  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


should  be  undertaken  step  by  step  which  would  prepare 
for  the  granting  of  a constitution  by  the  year  1917.  The 
edict  proceeds:  “The  Constitutional  Laws  will  then  be 
definitely  decided  upon  by  us,  and  the  date  for  the  open- 
ing of  the  parliament  will  also  be  announced  by  that 
time.”  A detailed  scheme  for  the  reforms  referred  to  in 
the  decree  had  been  worked  out  by  the  Commission  of 
Constitutional  Study,  and  was  promulgated  at  the  same 
time.  It  indicates,  with  considerable  definiteness,  the 
parts  of  the  reform  which  are  to  be  accomplished  every 
year.  Thus  the  work  was  to  begin,  in  the  first  year,  with 
the  promulgation  of  regulations  concerning  local  self- 
government  in  cities,  towns,  and  districts,  and  of  regu- 
lations for  a census;  the  Ministry  of  Finance  was  to 
reform  methods  of  taxation  and  accounting;  citizens’ 
readers  on  government  were  to  be  published;  codes  of 
civil,  commercial,  and  criminal  law  were  to  be  edited. 

The  work  of  administrative  reform  was  to  go  on  grad- 
ually, until,  during  the  last  of  the  nine  years,  there  are  to 
be  promulgated  the  Constitution  itself,  the  laws  of  the 
imperial  household,  and  the  rules  and  regulations  of  the 
parliament  and  of  elections.  There  is  likewise  to  be  cre- 
ated a special  council  of  imperial  advisers,  probably  sug- 
gested by  the  Japanese  Privy  Council  (composed  of  the 
Genro ),  and  a national  budget  is  to  be  prepared.  It  was 
therefore  expected  that  when  parliament  should  come 
into  being,  the  new  administrative  machinery  would  al- 
ready be  in  running  order,  and  the  Government  would 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


237 


have  the  political  situation  well  in  hand.  In  the  prepara- 
tion of  the  various  measures  of  reform,  the  administra- 
tive departments  cooperate  with  the  Commission  of  Con- 
stitutional Study.  The  latter  body  thus  has  acted  as  the 
central  organ  for  a great  amount  of  legislative  activity  of 
a constitutive  character.  When  the  parliament  at  last 
assembles,  most  of  the  important  questions  of  organiza- 
tion will  already  have  been  settled.  Throughout  the  pre- 
paratory era,  special  attention  is  to  be  given  to  public 
education,  to  the  end  that,  by  1917,  one  half  of  the  male 
population  of  China  shall  be  able  to  read  and  write.  The 
Government  has  always  insisted  that  representative  in- 
stitutions should  not  be  granted  before  the  people  had 
acquired  sufficient  knowledge  to  understand  their  nat- 
ure and  to  use  them  properly.  Education  is  evidently 
looked  upon  as  a conservative,  as  well  as  enlightening, 
influence. 

The  decree  of  1907  with  respect  to  the  Commission  of 
Constitutional  Study  was  followed,  within  a month,  by 
an  edict  establishing  in  the  various  provinces  advisory 
bodies,  which  were  to  deal  with  all  proposals  for  provin- 
cial legislation.  These  bodies  were  to  be  appointed, 
by  the  provincial  governors,  from  among  the  notables 
and  heavy  taxpayers  of  the  provinces.  It  was  also  indic- 
ated that  the  members  of  the  national  council  might 
be  selected  from  these  provincial  bodies.  The  policy  of 
this  edict  was  reaffirmed  and  made  more  definite  by  an 
edict  issued  in  July,  1908,  which  also  introduced  the 


238  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 

.it 

elective  principle.  The  decree  runs  in  part  as  follows: 
“The,  consultative  council  is  an  institution  in  which 
public  opinion  will  be  ascertained,  and  from  which  the 
members  of  the  central  council  may  be  recruited.  Let 
our  people  point  out  clearly  through  the  councils  what 
are  the  evils  that  should  be  abolished  in  their  respective 
provinces  and  what  are  the  reforms  that  they  desire. 
But  let  them  also  remember  the  duty  which  they  owe 
to  the  court  and  to  the  country.  Violent  discussion 
should  be  prevented,  lest  the  order  and  safety  of  so- 
ciety might  be  disturbed.” 

The  plan  worked  out  by  the  Commission  of  Constitu- 
tional Study  determines  with  considerable  detail  the 
qualifications  which  must  be  possessed  by  members  of 
the  provincial  council  — such  as  official  and  scholastic 
status,  property,  etc.  The  councils  will  be  consultative 
merely,  and  will  be  largely  under  the  influence  of  the 
provincial  officials.  The  electorate  is  limited  to  those 
who  possess  the  qualification  of  experience  in  public 
office,  a high-school  degree,  or  the  ownership  of  property 
worth  five  thousand  dollars  silver.  Of  great  interest  is 
the  article  which  declares  that  men  shall  be  disqualified 
from  voting  “who  are  perverse  and  misguided  in  be- 
havior, who  decide  matters  with  unreasoning  impulse, 
and  who  judge  of  men  with  partiality”;  moreover,  those 
are  excluded,  “who  in  business  are  not  just  and  honor- 
able, who  have  been  accused  and  not  yet  cleared,  who 
use  opium,  who  have  heart  disease,  who  belong  to  a 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


239 


family  of  sullied  reputation,  or  who  do  not  know  the 
language.”  These  provisions  are  still  governed  by  the 
Confucian  ideal  of  the  close  connection  between  govern- 
ment and  morality:  the  virtuous  and  those  of  unblem- 
ished reputation  alone  are  to  take  part  in  public  affairs. 
The  political  experience  of  the  West  has  led  us  to 
separate  political  from  ethical  considerations,  and  has 
proved  that  provisions  like  these  cannot  be  justly  ad- 
ministered in  a modem  state. 

The  first  provincial  elections  took  place  in  the  spring 
of  1909;  they  did  not,  of  course,  elicit  so  much  popular 
interest  as  would  have  been  shown  in  case  a national 
parliament  were  to  be  chosen.  But  the  very  fact  that 
the  principle  of  elective  representation  has  thus  been  in- 
troduced into  Chinese  political  life  in  a quiet  and  orderly 
manner  is  of  supreme  importance.  Similarly  quiet  and 
unpretending  was  the  actual  commencement  of  parlia- 
mentary institutions  in  China.  Without  blare  of  trum- 
pets or  august  ceremony,  the  legislative  councils  or  as- 
semblies began  their  functions  in  the  fall  of  1909  in  every 
one  of  the  great  provinces  of  China.  These  groups  of 
representative  men,  elected  according  to  the  rules  deter- 
mined by  the  Central  Government,  came  together  in  an 
unostentatious  manner  and  settled  down  to  the  discussion 
of  the  common  public  affairs  of  their  respective  pro- 
vinces. They  cautiously  felt  their  way,  conscious  of  the 
great  experiment  China  had  undertaken;  and  yet,  by 
national  temper  and  individual  training,  prepared  to 


240  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


deal  with  matters  affecting  the  public  interest  with 
practical  common  sense.  Rather  than  rushing  immedi- 
ately into  legislative  activity,  these  first  assemblies  were 
satisfied  carefully  to  survey  the  field  and  to  study  the 
question  of  accommodating  to  one  another  the  various 
institutions  and  methods  newly  created.  They,  how- 
ever, took  occasion  frequently  to  indicate  their  belief  in 
their  own  powers  held  in  reserve. 

When,  in  the  subsequent  year,  the  second  sessions  of 
the  assemblies  came  on,  these  bodies  were  already  surer 
of  their  ground,  so  that  in  many  cases  they  undertook 
constructive  plans  of  legislation  and  worked  out  a 
definite  policy  in  administrative  matters.  In  several 
cases  conflicts  occurred  between  the  local  viceroy  or 
governor,  and  the  assembly;  as  in  Kwangsi  and  Honan, 
where  difficulties  arose  concerning  government  loans. 
The  gentry  of  the  provinces  are,  in  general,  opposed  to 
having  the  Central  Government  take  up  foreign  loans 
for  internal  improvements,  because,  on  the  one  hand, 
they  lack  confidence  in  the  technical  efficiency  of  the 
metropolitan  authorities  and  their  representatives, 
while,  on  the  other,  they  fear  an  undue  growth  of  foreign 
influence.  They,  therefore,  advocate  a policy  which 
would  attempt  to  raise  at  least  the  larger  portion,  if  not 
the  entirety,  of  the  loans  in  the  different  provinces  them- 
selves, leaving  the  enterprise  chiefly  under  provincial 
control.  Thus  the  question  of  foreign  relations  enters 
strongly  even  into  the  politics  of  the  provincial  assem- 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


241 


blies.  In  Kiangsu,  trouble  arose  about  opium,  in  the 
suppression  of  which  the  governor  did  not  seem  ener- 
getic and  efficient  enough;  in  Yunnan  it  was  because  an 
attempt  was  made  to  increase  the  amount  of  the  salt  tax. 
Whenever  a local  legislature  got  into  difficulty  with  its 
governor,  it  appealed  to  the  national  assembly  at  Peking 
for  moral  support,  which  was  never  wanting,  as  the  cen- 
tral body  always  sided  with  the  local  assemblies  in  such 
controversies.  It  is  interesting  to  note  in  this  connection 
that  the  right  and  practice  of  petition  is  of  real  import- 
ance in  contemporary  China.  With  us,  this  ancient 
privilege  has  rather  degenerated  in  efficiency;  through 
indiscriminate  use,  it  has  become  dulled  and  blunted; 
but  in  China  the  traditions  of  the  censorate  give  special 
dignity  to  any  form  of  memorializing  public  authorities. 
The  provincial  assemblies  not  only  receive  petitions,  but 
actually  read  them  and  pay  attention  to  them.  So  the 
petition  has  become  one  of  the  methods  through  which 
public  opinion  strives  to  express  itself  in  China. 

On  the  whole,  the  action  of  the  provincial  assemblies 
has  by  no  means  been  entirely  oppositional.  They  have 
been  animated  with  a desire  to  do  constructive  work; 
they  assist  the  officials  and  stimulate  them  to  greater 
activity.  Thus,  for  instance,  the  great  success  which 
opium  suppression  has  had  in  Szechuan  is,  in  great  part, 
credited  to  the  manner  in  which  the  assembly  used  all 
its  influence  to  assist  in  the  carrying-out  of  measures  of 
restraint.  Not  only  did  it  act  as  a body,  but  the  indiv- 


242  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


idual  members  used  their  personal  influence  with  their 
constituents  in  order  to  bring  about  universal  public 
cooperation  in  this  matter.  Wise  governors  are  glad  to 
utilize  this  new  instrumentality  for  effecting  the  pur- 
poses of  administration;  they  strive  to  remain  on  good 
and  trustful  terms  with  the  assembly  and  to  invite  its 
cooperation  in  important  matters.  There  has  also  been 
formed  an  Association  of  the  Assemblies,  to  which  each 
provincial  body  sends  several  delegates.  In  the  meetings 
of  this  society  questions  are  discussed  upon  which  a 
nation-wide  interchange  of  opinion  and  experience  seems 
profitable.  Thus  there  has  already  come  about  a sys- 
tematic attempt  to  introduce  uniformity  into  the  action 
of  the  provincial  assemblies  in  so  far  as  the  diverse  local 
conditions  may  permit. 

Of  great  interest  is  the  manner  in  which  public  opinion 
in  many  provinces  has  attempted  to  control  legislative 
action.  Of  special  significance  in  this  connection  are  the 
occurrences  in  Kwantung  during  1910  and  1911.  The 
public  of  this  province,  dissatisfied  with  the  action  of 
members  of  the  assembly,  actually  forced  their  resigna- 
tion, introducing  in  this  way  a sort  of  official  recall.  The 
trouble  arose  in  connection  with  gambling,  which  vice 
had  assumed  such  serious  proportions  in  Canton  and 
other  centres  that,  to  conscientious  men,  it  seemed  in  its 
evil  effects  second  only  to  opium-smoking.  The  Gov- 
ernment had  pursued  a policy  of  toleration,  licensing 
public  gaming-houses,  and  employing  the  proceeds  from 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


243 


fees  in  the  policing  of  the  coast  region.  With  the  general 
moral  awakening  in  China,  public  sentiment  began 
strongly  to  condemn  the  continuance  of  this  vicious  sys- 
tem. Members  of  the  Kwantung  provincial  assembly 
were,  therefore,  prevailed  upon  to  introduce  a bill  to  do 
away  with  the  licensing  of  such  resorts  and  to  prohibit 
public  gambling.  Certain  powerful  financial  interests, 
alarmed  at  this,  and  fearing  that  such  a reform  might 
have  a bad  effect  upon  business,  began  to  use  every  con- 
ceivable means  to  influence  members  of  the  assembly 
against  the  measure.  After  a tempestuous  debate  last- 
ing for  four  days,  the  bill  was  rejected.  But  immediately 
a great  public  outcry  arose ; it  was  openly  charged  that 
thirty-six  of  the  members  of  the  assembly  who  voted 
against  the  bill  had  been  illegally  influenced.  All  through 
the  province  a strong  demand  was  voiced  that  these  men 
should  resign,  being  unworthy  of  future  confidence. 
Those  assemblymen  who  had  favored  the  passage  of  the 
bill  themselves  threatened  to  leave  office,  declaring  that 
they  could  not  longer  respect,  or  work  with,  the  others. 
The  manifestations  of  public  feeling  became  so  strong 
that  the  thirty-six  suspects  were  actually  forced  out  and 
a new  election  was  ordered.  The  matter  also  resulted  in 
a change  in  the  person  occupying  the  viceroyal  office.  In 
the  place  of  an  official  who  had  only  mildly  favored  the 
passage  of  the  bill,  there  was  appointed  a vigorous  and 
energetic  man  who  promised  to  support  the  measure 
and  to  aid  in  making  it  possible  for  the  Government  to 


244  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


get  along  without  this  particular  source  of  income.  The 
reconstructed  assembly,  early  in  1911,  enacted  a law 
under  which  all  public  gambling  is  forbidden  in  the  pro- 
vince of  Kwantung.  In  cooperation  with  the  viceroy, 
it  also  devised  means  for  raising  money  by  new  taxes  so 
as.  to  supply  the  deficit  created  by  the  suppression  of 
gambling  licenses.  In  this  episode  the  province  proved 
that  in  cases  of  great  moral  importance,  the  demands  of 
public  opinion  will  be  carried  out  even  at  the  cost  of  re- 
constituting a legislative  body. 

The  opening  of  the  first  session  of  the  preliminary  na- 
tional assembly  at  Peking  was  fixed  by  the  Government 
to  take  place  on  October  3, 1910.  This  event  wras  looked 
forward  to  with  the  greatest  expectation.  For  the  first 
time,  at  least  for  thousands  of  years,  representative  men 
of  the  entire  Chinese  people  were  to  meet  together  to 
discuss  national  affairs  in  public.  It  was  the  most  strik- 
ing manifestation  of  that  national  unity  which  the  Chin- 
ese are  now  striving  to  attain.  On  the  day  appointed, 
the  assembly  was  opened  by  the  Prince  Regent  with  a 
dignified  and  sympathetic  speech,  in  which  he  dwelt  on 
the  need  of  a frank  understanding  and  cooperation  be- 
tween the  Government  and  the  people.  The  assembly 
was  composed  of  202  members,  the  majority  (102)  of 
whom  were  appointed  by  the  Government  from  among 
men  of  official  rank,  while  the  remainder  had  been 
chosen  by  the  provincial  assemblies.  There  were  imperial 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


245 


princes,  dukes  and  noblemen,  Manchu  and  Chinese 
officials,  side  by  side  with  men  who  had  won  prominence 
in  the  constitutional  movement  in  their  respective  pro- 
vinces. The  body  followed  the  rules  of  procedure  laid 
down  for  it  by  official  edicts,  which  were  based  upon 
general  parliamentary  practice.  It  used  the  committee 
system  for  the  preparation  of  projects.  In  plenary  ses- 
sion, men  spoke  either  from  their  seats,  or,  in  the  case  of 
more  formal  addresses,  from  a tribune,  and  what  they 
said  was  taken  down  by  stenographers.  The  side  galle- 
ries and  balconies  were  filled  with  spectators,  members  of 
the  official  world  and  of  the  diplomatic  corps,  army  offi- 
cers, and  others  who  had  gained  the  favor  of  admittance. 

As  the  summoning  of  this  body  marked  a radical  de- 
parture in  the  political  practices  of  China  which  had 
existed  for  thousands  of  years,  it  may  be  interesting  to 
follow  the  action  of  the  assembly  a little  more  in  detail. 
The  first  subject  of  discussion  was  a controversy  be- 
tween the  governor  of  Kiangsu  and  the  local  assembly 
on  the  question  of  opium  restriction.  Kiangsu  is  a pro- 
vince which  has  profoundly  suffered  from  the  ravages  of 
opium-smoking;  the  representatives  in  the  assembly  had 
charged  the  governor  with  not  strictly  and  faithfully 
enforcing  the  regulations  for  the  suppression  of  the  traf- 
fic. The  national  assembly  took  the  same  attitude  and 
was  practically  unanimous  in  its  condemnation  of  the 
governor.  In  the  discussions  on  this  matter,  some  of  the 
imperial  princes  participated,  exhibiting  a desire  to  win 


246 


CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


the  sympathy  and  confidence  of  the  popular  represent- 
atives. The  assembly  then  took  up  the  burning  question 
of  accelerating  the  creation  of  the  national  parliament. 
There  had  been  a great  amount  of  agitation  throughout 
China  in  favor  of  the  immediate  convocation  of  a na- 
tional parliament  with  full  powers.  The  Government 
had  argued  that  a change  so  important  would  have  to  be 
more  gradually  approached;  that  the  administrative  sys- 
tem of  the  Empire  needed  to  be  remodeled;  and,  above 
all,  that  general  education  and  intelligence  in  political 
matters  would  have  to  be  much  more  fully  developed. 
The  Government,  therefore,  insisted  that  the  date  of 
1917  was  as  early  as  it  was  desirable  to  enter  upon  this  * 
important  change;  but  the  classes  that  control  public 
opinion  continued  to  urge  an  earlier  date.  At  first  sight 
this  impatience  is  rather  difficult  to  understand;  it  is, 
however,  in  accordance  with  the  general  characteristics 
of  the  Chinese,  who,  when  they  have  once  made  up  their 
minds  that  a thing  is  just,  will  insist  upon  immediate 
action.  They  were  inclined  to  treat  the  Government  as 
withholding  rights  to  which  the  Chinese  people  were 
entitled,  and  the  argument  that  these  rights  should  only 
gradually  be  established  was  compared  in  the  press  with 
the  reasoning  of  the  thief  cited  by  Mencius,  who,  when 
caught  in  systematic  stealing  from  a neighbor,  was 
ready  to  promise  that  he  would  take  a little  less  every 
year  until  he  had  accustomed  himself  to  the  new  situa- 
tion. But  there  is  another  reason  for  this  impatience  in 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


247 


the  deep  lack  of  confidence  which  the  people  feel  in  the 
ability  of  the  Government  to  protect  China  against  ex- 
ploitation by  foreign  powers.  As  things  have  been  going, 
the  Chinese  feel  that  every  year,  yes,  every  month,  pre- 
cious advantages  may  be  lost  to  the  nation  through  offi- 
cial incompetence;  and  they  cling  with  an  ardent  hope 
to  the  belief  that  once  a national  parliament  is  estab- 
lished, public  affairs  will  be  conducted  in  a more  efficient 
manner.  It  is  this  fear  of  successful  foreign  aggression 
that  is  one  of  the  main  causes  for  resisting  the  postpone- 
ment of  parliamentary  institutions  until  1917.  The  mat- 
ter was  eloquently  argued  in  the  assembly  on  the  ground 
that  the  Government  was  not  justified  in  withholding 
from  the  people  this  right.  As  there  were  in  the  Govern- 
ment a great  many  persons  who  themselves  felt  that  the 
sooner  the  new  institutions  were  definitely  established, 
the  better  for  the  successful  conduct  of  affairs,  the  Gov- 
ernment was  prevailed  upon  to  yield,  and  the  summon- 
ing of  a national  parliament  of  two  houses  was  fixed  for 
the  year  1913.  Even  this  did  not  satisfy  the  radicals, 
who  opposed  any  delay  at  all;  but  the  Government  did 
not  yield  further,  and  by  edict  it  directed  that  those  out- 
siders who  were  still  carrying  on  an  agitation  in  Peking 
should  be  ordered  to  leave  and  let  the  matter  rest. 

This  success  of  the  Tsecheng  Yuan  made  it  ambitious 
to  gain  greater  recognition  for  itself.  Continuing  to  take 
up  individual  cases  where  controversies  had  happened 
between  governors  and  provincial  assemblies,  it  always 


248  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


took  the  side  of  the  latter  and  tried  to  obtain  the  con- 
demnation of  the  respective  governors.  Thus,  in  the  pro- 
vince of  Honan  the  governor  had  neglected  to  consult  the 
assembly  with  respect  to  a provincial  loan;  the  national 
assembly  accordingly  called  for  punitive  action  by  the 
Government.  The  edict  which  was  issued  in  response  to 
this  resolution  stated  that,  while  the  governor  had  been 
negligent  in  omitting  a step  in  the  procedure,  the  policy 
of  the  loan  was  in  accordance  with  the  plans  of  the  Cen- 
tral Government  and  that  therefore  no  change  would  be 
made,  although  in  the  future  governors  would  be  di- 
rected to  consult  the  local  assembly  in  such  cases.  This 
response  was  entirely  unsatisfactory  to  the  popular 
party;  they  refused  to  be  mollified  by  fair-spoken  pro- 
mises and  insisted  that  this  particular  governor  should 
have  been  punished;  after  a long  debate,  the  conclusion 
resulted  that  the  Great  Council  was  responsible  for  this 
leniency  and  should  be  called  to  account.  A vote  was 
passed  censuring  the  Great  Council  and  summoning  its 
members  before  the  assembly  to  explain  their  non-action. 
When  they  refused  to  respond,  the  assembly  went  a step 
farther  by  demanding  that  they  should  be  dismissed, 
and  that  a responsible  cabinet  should  be  appointed  in 
their  place. 

It  is  certainly  a significant  fact  that  an  assembly 
composed  with  such  conservative  means  should  have 
immediately  developed  so  strong  an  attitude  of  opposi- 
tion. It  virtually  declared  itself  the  sovereign  represent- 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


249 


ative  of  the  people,  after  the  fashion  of  the  French  Con- 
stituent Assembly;  and  insisted  not  only  that  it  should 
be  consulted  in  all  important  matters  of  legislation,  but 
that  the  high  officials  of  state  should  be  held  responsible 
for  carrying  out  its  determinations.  This  attitude  af- 
fords an  insight  into  the  independent  spirit  which  anim- 
ates the  Chinese  public.  The  members  who  repre- 
sented the  provincial  assemblies  argued  the  popular  view 
of  institutions  with  such  ability  and  emphasis  that  they 
carried  with  them  a great  many  of  the  official  delegates. 
Of  course,  the  Government  itself  was  anxious  to  meet  the 
nation  halfway  and  to  avoid  an  open  rupture.  But  when, 
step  by  step,  the  assembly  attempted  to  establish  itself 
as  the  centre  of  authority;  when  the  popular  represent- 
atives drew  a distinction  between  the  power  of  making 
laws  and  that  of  issuing  mere  administrative  ordinances, 
claiming  the  former  function  as  belonging  to  their  body; 
when  they  held  that  from  the  provision  that  their  advice 
must  be  sought  it  followed  that  their  advice  must  be 
taken;  the  Government  finally  took  a decided  position 
against  such  extreme  claims.  When  the  members  of  the 
Great  Council  had  offered  their  resignations,  the  Prince 
Regent  refused  to  accept  them.  In  doing  so  he  issued  an 
edict  in  which  he  asserted  that  the  conduct  of  public 
business,  and  especially  the  making  of  appointments, 
belongs  to  the  functions  of  the  Government  and  is  not 
for  the  assembly,  “nor  others.”  The  last  phrase  was 
most  offensive  to  the  assembly.  Great  excitement  pre- 


250  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


vailed  and  many  speeches  were  made  advising  immedi- 
ate adjournment,  since  all  effective  power  had  been 
denied;  but  finally  Yi  Chung-kwei  said,  “No,  we  shall 
not  go  away,  for  then  we  should  shirk  our  duty  like  the 
Council.  We  stay  here.”  A new  address  to  the  Prince 
Regent  was  adopted,  asking  for  a responsible  cabinet. 
The  Government  did  not  unequivocally  yield  to  this 
demand,  although  an  edict  was  issued  charging  the 
Commission  of  Constitutional  Study  to  make  preparat- 
ory arrangements  for  the  earlier  summoning  of  parlia- 
ment as  agreed  upon,  and  also  for  the  institution  of  a 
cabinet.  The  question  of  the  relation  of  this  new  cabi- 
net to  parliament  was  not  at  the  time  determined.  After 
this  action,  the  government  supporters  in  the  assembly 
took  a stronger  position  and  no  further  resolutions  were 
adopted  on  these  fundamental  public  policies. 

The  assembly  spent  some  time  in  discussing  the  aboli- 
tion of  the  queue.  An  impassioned  debate  took  place  in 
which  Prince  Tsai  Yunnan  spoke  in  favor  of  the  change. 
Many  comical  incidents  occurred.  An  old  official  from 
the  financial  department  was  very  much  agitated  about 
the  matter.  In  great  excitement,  he  cried,  “Cut  off  your 
queues!  Cut  off  your  queues!  I shall  not  do  it.  If  you 
insist,  I shall  not  stay  here,  but  go  away.”  But  then, 
probably  realizing  that  he  would  not  find  much  comfort 
in  leaving  China,  he  cried  to  Prince  Pulun  in  a tearful 
voice,  “Mr.  President,  this  cannot  be;  cannot  you  help 
us?”  To  which  the  Prince  coldly  remarked,  “I  have 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


251 


nothing  to  do  with  it  at  all.”  A vote  was  passed  calling 
for  the  abolition  of  the  queue  in  the  army,  among  Peking 
officials,  among  students  and  teachers;  which  was  fran- 
tically applauded  in  the  galleries.  The  Government  did 
not  carry  out  this  resolution.  It  even  issued  an  edict 
against  a change  of  national  dress,  saying,  however,  no- 
thing about  the  queue.  Thereafter  the  young  patriots 
all  over  China,  young  and  old,  but  mostly  the  former 
engaged  in  queue-cutting  ceremonies.  It  now  became  a 
visible  mark  of  progressive  spirit  to  be  rid  of  the  obso- 
lete appendage.  Some  patriotic  souls  had  the  idea  of  de- 
voting the  proceeds  from  the  sale  of  the  hair  to  paying 
off  the  national  indebtedness. 

The  national  assembly  also  devoted  itself  to  a discus- 
sion of  the  budget,  which  had  been  worked  out  and  sub- 
mitted by  the  Government.  The  estimates  indicated  a 
probable  deficit  of  80,000,000  tales.  Confronted  by  this 
situation,  the  assembly  had  two  alternatives:  the  reduc- 
tion of  expenses  and  the  levying  of  new  taxes.  Had  the 
assembly  been  ready  at  this  time  to  elaborate  and  adopt 
a permanent  fiscal  policy,  it  would  have  been  necessary 
to  provide  for  largely  increased  revenue.  But  as  the 
Government  had  not  yet  unequivocally  pronounced  it- 
self on  the  latitude  of  power  it  was  willing  to  accord  the 
national  parliament,  the  assembly  steered  clear  of  all 
measures  which  would  have  made  the  Government  more 
independent  financially  and  which  would  also  not  have 
contributed  to  the  popularity  of  the  assembly  among 


252  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


taxpayers.  It,  therefore,  confined  its  work  to  cutting 
budget  estimates,  especially  through  a reduction  in  offi- 
cial salaries.  Now,  it  is  well  known  that  the  scale  of  sal- 
aries is  not  such  that  they  can  be  further  reduced  with- 
out interfering  with  the  efficiency  of  the  service.  When 
officials  are  absolutely  underpaid,  they  will  seek  outside 
sources  of  income.  The  only  way  in  which  the  Chinese 
administration  can  be  freed  from  corruption  and  incom- 
petence is  to  place  salaries  on  an  adequate  basis.  The 
cuts  in  the  estimates  which  were  made  led  to  a veritable 
reign  of  terror  in  official  Peking.  General  Yin  Chang 
the  War  Minister,  reduced  the  number  of  employees 
in  his  office  by  several  hundred,  and  in  other  min- 
istries, too,  a great  many  unnecessary  positions  were 
discontinued.  But  with  all  this,  the  fundamental  ques- 
tion of  giving  the  Chinese  Government  more  adequate 
resources  was  not  advanced.  It  will  have  to  be  faced  in 
the  immediate  future.  The  Government  needs  Parlia- 
ment because  it  needs  money,  and  a parliament  must  be 
strong  enough  to  take  upon  its  shoulders,  together  with 
legislative  power,  the  burden  and  odium  of  increasing 
the  customary  taxes  of  the  whole  country.  The  chances 
are,  however,  that  the  Government  will  not  be  able  to 
obtain  a substantial  increase  in  revenue  before  it  has  ac- 
corded to  the  national  representation  genuine  powers 
of  initiative  and  control. 

On  January  11,  the  first  session  of  the  Chinese  Assem- 
bly was  adjourned  by  official  edict.  It  had  been  a stormy 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


253 


period,  and  now  opinion  was  divided  as  to  the  success  of 
the  experiment.  The  constructive  programme  which 
the  assembly  had  at  first  proposed  to  itself,  including  ad- 
ministrative and  educational  reform,  advance  in  rail- 
ways, communication,  and  other  developmental  matters, 
had  not  been  elaborated.  The  assembly  had  spent  its 
time  in  seeking  to  gain  political  authority  and  in  criticiz- 
ing the  Government.  But  while  these  results  seem  dis- 
appointing, on  the  other  hand,  the  assembly  had  con- 
ducted its  proceedings  with  dignity,1  and  there  had  been 
developed  a certain  public  leadership.  The  most  im- 
portant result  of  this  first  assembly  was  the  unmistak- 
able clearness  with  which  it  was  demonstrated  that  really 
effective  parliamentary  institutions  alone  would  satisfy 
the  Chinese  public.  From  a political  point  of  view,  there- 
fore, the  assembly  was  most  interesting.  It  could  per- 
haps hardly  be  expected  that  it  should  immediately  make 
itself  very  useful  in  the  matter  of  administrative  reform; 
though  in  its  future  work  it  will  be  judged  by  detailed 
results  rather  than  by  general  claims  and  professions. 

1 The  manner  in  which  Prince  Pulun,  as  president,  conducted 
the  proceedings  of  the  assembly  is  one  of  the  most  notable  features 
of  this  great  experiment.  That  a Manchu  prince,  totally  unaccus- 
tomed, of  course,  to  the  methods  of  parliamentary  bodies,  should 
be  able  to  enforce  parliamentary  law  in  the  clearest  fashion,  and 
that  he  should  always  act  as  a strictly  impartial  moderator,  hold- 
ing the  balance  equally  between  contending  factions,  is  indicative 
not  only  of  quick  intelligence  but  of  high  and  unusual  qualities  of 
character.  While  this  statesmanlike  conduct  may  not  have  earned 
the  Prince  official  favor,  it  certainly  has  gained  for  his  judicial 
temperament  wide  admiration  in  China  and  elsewhere. 


254  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


It  is  characteristic  for  the  situation  in  China  that, 
immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  the  assembly, 
intrigues  began  among  high  officials  with  a view  to  secur- 
ing positions  in  the  cabinet  to  be  created.  The  discus- 
sion as  to  how  soon  it  was  to  be  organized  and  what  its 
powers  were  to  be  was  dominated  by  personal  consider- 
ations. Thus,  the  opponents  of  Prince  Ching,  hoping  he 
would  not  be  appointed  Prime  Minister,  favored  the 
early  establishment  of  the  new  organization  which  would 
displace  the  Great  Council.  An  unfortunate  tendency 
was  present  in  the  effort  to  bring  forward  for  this  most 
important  position  superannuated  princes  who  had  been 
holding  various  sinecures,  such  as  the  headship  of  the 
Imperial  Clan  Court  or  of  the  College  of  Astronomy. 
Unless  China  can  place  her  biggest  and  most  experienced 
men  in  the  premiership,  her  national  woes  will  continue 
and  augment.  The  creation  of  a cabinet  ought  to  be  a 
decided  departure  from  the  old  system  in  which  such  a 
thing  as  united  and  centralized  authority  was  unknown. 
Not  only  did  each  department  constitute  a college  of 
officials  in  which  there  was  no  definite  leadership  nor 
responsibility,  but  the  departments  in  their  relations  to 
one  another  were  similarly  disorganized.  The  creation  of 
a cabinet  under  the  responsible  headship  of  a prime  min- 
ister would  therefore  be  a radical  and  beneficent  change, 
especially  if  it  were  to  be  accompanied  by  placing  each 
department  under  a minister  with  full  authority.  A be- 
ginning in  this  direction  was  made  in  1911,  when  the 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


255 


Department  of  War  was  freed  from  the  collegiate  regime 
and  placed  under  the  control  of  one  supreme  official. 
The  edict  of  May,  1911,  by  which  a cabinet  is  created, 
was,  however,  in  most  respects  disappointing.  The 
organization  which  it  provides  for  is  altogether  too  cum- 
bersome and  complicated,  and  not  sufficiently  removed 
from  the  old  Chinese  idea  of  government  by  equipoise 
through  colleges  of  officials.  Moreover,  the  question  of 
the  relation  of  the  cabinet  to  the  National  Parliament  is 
left  unsolved  by  this  edict. 

In  order  to  advance  the  cause  of  parliamentary  insti- 
tutions in  China,  there  have  been  formed  a number  of 
political  associations.  Such  are  the  Association  for  Pre- 
paring Constitutional  Citizenship,  the  Association  for 
the  Study  of  the  Constitution,  the  Constitutional  Discus- 
sion Society,  etc.  The  expression  of  public  opinion  in 
China  has  been  facilitated  through  these  associations. 
They  started  a movement  as  a result  of  which  sixteen 
of  the  provinces  sent  representatives  to  Peking  during 
the  summer  of  1908,  for  the  purpose  of  presenting  me- 
morials to  the  Throne  favoring  the  establishment  of  a 
national  parliament.  These  associations  devote  them- 
selves to  the  discussion  of  public  policies,  both  foreign 
and  domestic.  Political  problems  are  considered,  and 
proposals  are  worked  out  for  legislative  action.  This 
activity  is  merely  one  of  the  indications  of  the  aptitude 
of  the  Chinese  people  for  public  discussion.  They  have, 


256  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


indeed,  in  the  past  not  been  without  training  for  this 
purpose;  and  in  creating  a national  assembly  and  pro- 
vincial councils,  the  Government  is  not  building  in 
the  air. 

Though  in  theory  the  Chinese  Government  is  absolute, 
its  representatives  and  agents  have  never  been  able  to 
disregard  the  public  opinion  of  the  community  in  which 
they  were  working.  It  is  practically  impossible  to  impose 
any  new  tax  without  conciliating  the  opinion  of  the 
leading  men  of  the  neighborhood.  Should  any  official 
neglect  to  put  himself  in  touch  with  these  forces,  his 
decrees  would  be  disregarded.  The  Chinese  have  always 
been  accustomed  to  take  communal  action.  Rather  than 
pay  a tax  to  which  they  had  not  consented,  they  would 
close  their  business  houses  and  engage  in  a boycott  or 
strike,  until  their  grievances  had  been  listened  to,  and 
the  matter  in  controversy  had  been  adjusted  in  accord- 
ance with  their  own  sense  of  equity.  The  Chinese  people 
are  grouped  in  various  guilds  and  associations.  The 
affairs  of  these  bodies  are  managed  by  discussion  in  the 
meetings  of  the  guild  officials  and  members.  The  de- 
mand for  a national  assembly  is  therefore  the  natural 
outgrowth  of  a practice  which  is  deeply  ingrained  in 
Chinese  social  life.  The  political  associations  which  have 
been  mentioned  would  readily  grow  into  political  groups 
and  parties,  were  a parliament  once  established.  It  is  of 
course  a question  how  far  party  action  could  be  made  a 
valuable  and  potent  political  force  in  China.  Bitter 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


257 


struggles  may  be  expected  before  the  true  functions  of 
political  parties  have  been  determined,  and  permanent 
groupings  established.  The  experience  of  Japan  teaches 
us  how  difficult  it  is  to  adapt  party  action  to  a system  of 
highly  centralized  authority. 

When  the  people  of  a Chinese  neighborhood  resist  the 
imposition  of  a new  tax  until  certain  grievances  have 
been  adjusted,  they  are  exercising  the  essential  function 
of  parliamentary  government.  The  powers  of  the 
“Mother  of  Parliaments”  grew  up  in  this  manner,  and 
the  financial  functions  of  parliamentary  assemblies  are 
always  the  centre  of  their  action.  It  is  here  that  the 
whole  question  of  Chinese  parliamentarism  hinges.  In 
order  to  carry  through  the  vast  reforms  planned  in  the 
administration,  in  the  school  system,  in  the  construc- 
tion of  railways  and  roads,  in  the  maintenance  of  a mod- 
ern army  and  navy,  the  Chinese  Government  needs 
money  in  quantities  that  increase  in  a geometrical  pro- 
gression. The  burdens  of  a foreign  debt  imposed  upon 
China  in  1894  and  1900  must  also  be  considered.  Alto- 
gether it  is  plain  that,  even  with  effective  fiscal  reforms, 
the  present  sources  of  public  income  in  China  are  inade- 
quate. Compared  with  the  taxes  in  such  countries  as 
Japan,  India,  or  the  Philippines,  those  levied  in  China 
are  very  moderate  indeed.  Sir  Robert  Hart  expressed  his 
belief  that  it  need  not  cause  any  particular  difficulty  to 
increase  the  income  of  the  Chinese  Government  tenfold. 
But  no  matter  how  rapidly  the  Chinese  people  may  be 


258  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


developing  a strong  and  devoted  patriotism,  they  will 
continue  to  resist  as  much  as  ever  the  arbitrary  imposi- 
tion of  new  taxes.  In  order  to  provide  itself  with  the 
necessary  funds,  the  Chinese  Government  must  recon- 
cile the  opinion  of  the  nation  to  its  policies.  If  this  is  to 
be  done  through  the  multitude  of  local  officials  distrib- 
uted over  the  Empire,  the  results  will  be  inadequate,  and 
official  action  will  be  constantly  embarrassed  by  great 
friction  and  outbreaks  of  violence.  Altogether  the  sim- 
plest and  safest  method  of  dealing  with  the  nation  in  this 
matter  would  be  through  a body  of  representatives.  As 
the  kings  of  England  commanded  the  knights  of  the 
shires  to  come  together  for  the  purpose  of  adjusting  tax- 
ation, so  the  Chinese  Government  could  well  afford  to 
command  the  provinces  and  prefectures  to  send  their 
representatives,  in  order  that  mutual  arrangements 
might  be  made  for  adequately  supplying  the  ever-in- 
creasing financial  needs  of  the  Empire. 

But  the  causes  which  make  the  creation  of  a parlia- 
ment necessary  in  China  are  more  deep-seated  even  than 
financial  needs.  In  order  to  understand  the  present  po- 
litical problems  of  China,  we  ought  always  to  remember 
that  hitherto  the  functions  of  government  have  covered 
only  a small  part  of  social  and  economic  life.  If  we 
should  conceive  of  the  governmental  powers  exercised 
in  Western  countries  in  their  greatest  completeness  as 
covering  the  area  of  a large  circle,  we  should  find  that 
only  a minute  part  of  these  functions,  covering  a small 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


259 


segment  of  the  circle,  is  exercised  in  China  by  govern- 
mental agencies.  Another  portion  of  what  with  us  is 
public  business  has,  in  China,  been  in  the  hands  of  the 
people  themselves  and  has  been  managed  almost  with- 
out governmental  interference.  But  these  two  areas, 
taken  together,  would  occupy  only  a small  portion  of  the 
circle  of  the  total  functions  exercised  by  Western  public 
administrations.  Thus  in  such  circle  we  should  have  two 
small  segments  assigned  respectively  to  the  Chinese 
Government  and  to  the  people,  besides  a large  area  unal- 
lotted to  either.  The  situation  will  appear  clear  if  we 
look  for  a minute  at  the  ordinary  activities  of  the  Chin- 
ese Government  before  the  beginnings  of  reform.  Its 
chief  functions  were  taxation,  the  collecting  and  dis- 
bursement of  revenues,  the  making  of  official  appoint- 
ments, and  the  selection  of  candidates  for  office  through 
public  examination.  Beyond  these,  the  Government 
was  supposed  to  provide  for  the  defense  of  the  country, 
which  was  done  in  a most  haphazard  way;  it  enforced 
the  criminal  law,  and  gave  a great  deal  of  attention  to 
ceremonial  rites.  On  the  other  hand,  the  people  managed 
for  themselves,  with  very  little  governmental  interfer- 
ence, all  business  connected  with  their  local  affairs; 
roads  and  other  means  of  communication  as  far  as  main- 
tained at  all  were  kept  up  in  this  way,  and  education  was 
provided  entirely  by  private  enterprise.  Controversies 
that  would  in  other  countries  fall  under  the  purview  of 
the  civil  law  were  settled  mostly  by  private  arbitration 


260  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


and  through  the  guild  courts.  The  currency  was  issued 
largely  by  private  bankers. 

Between  these  two  areas  of  public  functions,  exer- 
cised either  by  the  Government,  on  the  one  hand,  and 
through  joint  effort  of  the  people,  on  the  other,  there  lies 
an  extensive  field  not  occupied  by  either.  Within  the 
latter  there  would  be  found  such  important  functions  as 
preventative  or  protective  policing,  creation  and  main- 
tenance of  many  classes  of  public  works,  and,  in  general, 
nearly  all  those  developmental  and  inspectional  func- 
tions, of  which  the  business  of  a modern  state  is  largely 
composed.  When  the  Chinese  began  to  see  the  need  of 
greater  public  activity,  there  forthwith  began  a sharp 
competition  between  the  Government  and  the  people  for 
control  over  these  new  fields.  It  was  felt  by  all  that  the 
developmental  functions  which  had  hitherto  been  ne- 
glected or  only  partially  exercised  would  have  to  be  put 
into  use  in  order  to  strengthen  the  nation.  From  our 
point  of  view  it  would,  of  course,  be  perfectly  natural  for 
the  Government  to  expand  its  sphere  of  activity  and  di- 
rectly to  undertake  these  new  duties  and  powers.  But 
the  Chinese  public  has  a deep-seated  suspicion  of  official 
methods.  While  the  sway  of  mandarins  has  been  toler- 
ated as  an  unavoidable  evil,  every  one  has  sought  to 
keep  his  affairs  as  free  as  possible  from  official  interfer- 
ence. Now,  when  the  Government  desires  to  build  rail- 
ways and  roads,  to  establish  educational  institutions, 
and  in  general  to  undertake  that  multitude  of  adminis- 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


261 


trative  functions  to  which  we  are  accustomed  in  our 
countries,  the  Chinese  public  struggles  for  its  traditional 
independence;  and  in  order  to  protect  itself,  it  under- 
takes by  private  initiative  the  performance  of  such  work 
as  is  plainly  necessary.  Thus,  by  the  side  of  govern- 
ment schools,  educational  institutions  of  the  gentry  are 
still  being  maintained  and  developed  in  every  province 
and  locality.  When  the  Government  attempts  to  build  a 
railway,  the  merchants  refuse  to  furnish  it  the  necessary 
funds;  when  it  attempts  to  take  up  foreign  loans,  they 
resist  such  a policy,  and  offer  to  finance  and  manage  the 
railway  themselves.  So  the  circle  of  governmental  func- 
tions and  the  circle  of  popular  action  are  both  expanding 
and  taking  up  some  of  the  hitherto  unassigned  work  of 
administration.  Many  public  associations  have  been 
formed  for  this  purpose,  societies  for  self-government 
and  for  the  development  of  citizenship.  While  the 
creation  of  municipal  assemblies  or  councils  has  been 
favored  by  imperial  edict,  these  bodies  also  represent  an 
almost  spontaneous  action  of  the  public  in  an  attempt 
to  manage  its  affairs  in  its  own  way,  without  any  special 
reference  to  officials.  These  councils,  or  assemblies,  are 
large.  The  number  of  sixty  members  is  not  unusual; 
they  are,  indeed,  veritable  parliaments  on  a small  scale. 
The  assemblies  take  up  questions  of  public  improve- 
ment, such  as  road-making,  street-lighting,  and  water- 
supply,  as  well  as  more  effective  police  service.  They 
conduct  independent  investigations  and  formulate  plans 


262  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


of  action,  which  would  be  carried  through  without  the 
assistance  of  officials,  if  necessary.  However,  very  often 
this  initiative  gives  a stimulus  to  the  local  officialdom; 
they  extend  their  activity  and  try  to  improve  their 
methods  for  fear  of  having  the  assembly  encroach  upon 
their  powers.  In  the  suppression  of  recent  mutinies  near 
Canton,  the  self-government  association  of  the  region 
was  far  more  efficient  than  the  officials  of  the  Govern- 
ment, a fact  which  was  acknowledged  by  the  viceroy. 
This  particular  society  has  also  done  most  valuable 
work  in  organizing  a relief  service  for  the  care  of  sufferers 
from  floods  and  famines.  As  the  public  assumes  the  atti- 
tude that  it  will  itself  exercise  these  public  functions  if 
they  are  not  properly  fulfilled  by  the  officials,  it  is  plain 
that  the  assemblies,  municipal  and  provincial,  which 
represent  such  constituencies,  will  not  be  satisfied  with  a 
merely  passive  and  advisory  role.  The  same  is  true  of  the 
National  Parliament,  which  is  certain  to  be  animated  by 
exactly  the  same  spirit.  The  public  will  not  allow  the 
official  world  to  extend  its  field  of  activity  in  these  many 
new  directions  without  itself  having  a share  therein, 
either  through  immediate  participation  or  through  par- 
liamentary representation.  The  latter  method,  there- 
fore, is  the  only  way  in  which  the  Chinese  Empire,  as  a 
state  or  public  organization,  can  get  thorough  control  of 
those  fields  of  administration  which  have  hitherto  been 
neglected. 

But  this  extension  of  the  functions  of  government 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


263 


brings  with  it  another  competition.  As  the  people  have 
hitherto  been  comparatively  free  from  governmental 
interference,  so  have  the  provinces  largely  been  left  to 
manage  their  own  affairs,  though  under  the  direction  of 
a governor  or  viceroy  and  of  other  officials  sent  from 
Peking.  The  demand  made  by  the  metropolitan  authori- 
ties upon  the  provincial  officials  was  that  they  should 
somehow  or  other  see  to  it  that  affairs  ran  along 
smoothly  in  their  districts,  that  the  taxes  were  paid 
and  the  revenues  forwarded  with  reasonable  promptness. 
The  details  of  government  were  left  to  the  local  authori- 
ties, and  there  was  no  such  thing  as  a centralized  admin- 
istrative control.  Now  when  the  National  Government, 
in  order  to  strengthen  the  Empire,  is  taking  up  the  new 
functions  which  wre  have  spoken  of,  it  at  the  same  time 
begins  to  tighten  its  control  over  the  provinces,  while  the 
latter  resist  this  centralizing  tendency.  These  Chinese 
provinces,  vast  nations  in  themselves,  could  never  be 
reduced  to  the  level  of  mere  administrative  circumscrip- 
tions like  the  Japanese  fu  or  the  French  prefecture.  It  is, 
therefore,  one  of  the  major  problems  in  Chinese  legisla- 
tion to-day  how  to  adjust  the  relations  of  the  provinces 
to  the  strong  central  authority  which  is  being  created. 
So  far  very  little  headway  has  been  made  in  working 
out  a definite  and  harmonious  system  of  relations  be- 
tween the  provinces  and  the  metropolitan  Government. 
The  authorities  at  Peking  are  attempting  to  get  control 
of  all  branches  of  administrative  activity  and  are  issuing 


264  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


multitudinous  edicts  on  these  matters  to  provincial  offi- 
cials. Now  the  legal  power  to  do  this  indeed  exists,  but 
the  enforcement  of  such  decrees  is  another  matter.  It 
depends  entirely  upon  the  temper  of  the  local  society 
how  far  a governor  maybe  able  to  carry  out  the  demands 
made  upon  him  by  Peking. 

A far  more  thorough  analysis  of  federal  organization 
than  has  hitherto  been  made  will  be  necessary  in  China, 
because  here  the  powers  in  question  are  just  beginning 
to  be  exercised  and  it  is  more  difficult  to  find  a historical 
basis  for  their  distribution  than  it  was  in  the  United 
States,  Germany,  Australia,  or  India.  Yet,  the  experi- 
ence of  these  countries  has  much  to  teach  the  Chinese  at 
this  juncture.  The  assignment  of  attributions  either  to 
central  or  provincial  authorities  ought  to  be  determined 
in  relation  to  the  vast  size  of  China  and  the  varied  con- 
ditions in  its  several  regions.  The  powers  should  be 
placed  where  they  could  be  most  effectively  exercised,  and 
only  those  should  be  united  in  the  Central  Government 
in  which  a unified  system  for  the  whole  nation  is  possible 
and  desirable.  Precedents  are  indeed  abundant  in  the 
systems  already  mentioned,  but  their  application  de- 
pends upon  special  conditions  in  China.  The  German 
Constitution  has  many  admirers  among  Chinese  officials. 
What  makes  it  appropriate  and  renders  it  acceptable  to 
the  governmental  party  is  the  prominence  it  accords  to 
the  imperial  office,  as  well  as  the  fact  that  the  federal 
relation  is  effectively  elaborated,  and  that  the  popular 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


265 


element  in  the  state  is  reconciled  with  the  demands  of 
a powerful  central  administration.  Among  the  constitu- 
tions of  modem  civilized  states,  that  of  Japan  has  most 
of  suggestiveness  for  the  Chinese  legislators.  The  dig- 
nity and  importance  of  the  imperial  office  is  there  main- 
tained. The  Japanese  Diet  is  given  a great  latitude  of 
discussion  and  cooperation,  but  the  real  power  of  gov- 
ernment is  in  the  hands  of  the  Council  of  the  Elder 
Statesmen.  The  Diet,  indeed,  has  the  sole  right  of  au- 
thorizing new  levies  of  taxation;  but  while  at  times  the 
Government  has  been  seriously  embarrassed  by  the  lack 
of  funds,  in  the  long  run  it  has  been  able  to  obtain  a vast 
increase  of  revenues.  The  Japanese  Diet  has  on  the 
whole  assisted  in  binding  the  nation  loyally  to  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  it  has  certainly  brought  about  a stronger 
national  feeling.  But  it  is  already  clear  that  Chinese 
legislative  assemblies  will  demand  more  extensive  pow- 
ers than  are  exercised  by  the  Diet  of  Japan.  The  inde- 
pendent action  and  self-help  to  which  Chinese  society 
has  been  for  ages  accustomed,  stands  in  the  way  of  the 
complete  absorption  of  administrative  authority  by 
the  Government  itself.  Moreover,  the  ruling  family  of 
China,  being  foreign  in  origin  and  having  of  late  suffered 
many  reverses,  cannot  count  on  that  instinctive  loyalty 
and  ready  submission  which  is  the  corner-stone  of  au- 
thority in  Japan. 

There  is  one  other  reason  operative  in  China  which 
favors  the  growth  of  strong  parliamentary  institutions. 


266  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


The  traditions  of  the  Government  are  not  those  of  lead- 
ership, of  a strong,  active  policy,  but  they  are  expressed 
rather  in  a seeking  for  an  equipoise  of  forces.  In  his  at- 
tempt to  keep  a province  at  peace,  a governor  would 
strive  to  balance  conflicting  influences  against  one  an- 
other; and  likewise,  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  metro- 
politan officials,  success  would  consist  in  the  ability  to 
take  advantage  of  rivalry  and  jealousies  and  to  match 
against  one  another  forces  whose  joint  action  might  be- 
come dangerous.  This  principle  has  also  been  the  chief 
guidance  of  the  Chinese  in  foreign  affairs,  so  that  Chin- 
ese diplomacy  has  usually  aimed  at  nothing  higher  than 
to  play  off  one  nation  against  another.  It  is  even  prob- 
able that  one  of  the  elements  which  determined  the 
Government  to  establish  deliberative  assemblies  was  the 
hope  that  new  elements  would  thus  be  introduced  which 
could  be  utilized  as  counters  in  this  old  game  of  balanc- 
ing forces.  But  it  is  plain  that  what  China  needs  most 
particularly  at  the  present  time  is  leadership  strong 
enough  to  batter  down  these  ancient  contrivances,  and, 
arising  superior  to  them,  to  pursue  an  active  and  positive 
policy  of  organizing  Chinese  public  life  on  a higher  plane 
of  efficiency.  The  public  seems  to  recognize  the  need, 
and  for  this  reason,  too,  the  parliaments  are  so  insistent 
in  claiming  for  themselves  an  authority  which  will  trans- 
cend and  outweigh  the  artifices  of  official  intrigue.  It 
remains,  of  course,  to  be  seen  whether  they  will  be  able  to 
free  themselves  from  these  insidious  habits  and  tenden- 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


267 


cies  in  Chinese  public  life.  The  Government  itself  has 
apparently  also  come  to  the  conclusion  that  leadership 
and  concentrated  responsibility  are  necessary  in  public 
administration.  They  are  now  taking  steps  to  abolish 
the  old  system  of  compensated  balance  in  official  organ- 
ization, and,  as  we  have  seen,  a cabinet  headed  by  a 
prime  minister  has  been  established. 

One  of  the  special  problems  much  discussed  in  China 
relates  to  the  best  basis  upon  which  the  representation 
in  a national  parliament  may  be  founded.  We  have  al- 
ready seen  that  the  introduction  of  universal  suffrage  is 
not  contemplated  at  present.  The  Government  origin- 
ally favored  councils  appointed  from  among  representa- 
tive men,  somewhat  after  the  manner  in  which  the  coun- 
cils of  the  Indian  Government  are  made  up.  The  idea  of 
representation  of  interests  has  also  been  strongly  put 
forward  by  Chinese  publicists.  The  Government  ordered 
a careful  study  to  be  made  of  the  Austrian  system,  under 
which  special  representation  in  the  Reichsrath  is  accorded 
to  urban  and  rural  communes,  to  industrial  and  commer- 
cial associations,  and  to  universities.  For  a while  it 
seemed  that  some  such  plan  of  interest  representation 
would  be  adopted  in  working  out  the  details  of  the 
Chinese  Constitution.  This  would  have  taken  account 
of  communal  feeling  existing  in  such  districts  as  the 
fu  and  the  hsien,  the  professional  cohesion  among 
learned  men,  as  well  as  the  associative  relations  of  the 
guilds  and  industrial  companies.  This  method  was 


268  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


ultimately  not  adopted  in  the  electoral  law  for  the 
provincial  assemblies,  which  has,  as  already  stated,  an 
official,  educational,  and  property  qualification.  In 
practice,  however,  this  arrangement  works  out  so  as  to 
produce  a representation  of  interests,  rather  than  of 
numbers;  and  as  the  members  of  the  national  assembly 
are  elected  largely  from  among  members  of  the  provin- 
cial bodies,  the  same  principle  obtains  throughout. 
But  as  the  intelligence  of  the  great  mass  of  the  people 
increases,  the  movement  for  manhood  suffrage  will  un- 
doubtedly gain  in  strength.  At  the  present  time  schola- 
stic education  does  not  reach  the  masses,  nor  do  they 
as  yet  manifest  a decided  interest  in  public  affairs. 

So  far  as  the  general  policy  of  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment at  the  present  time  may  be  determined,  stripped 
of  temporary  vacillations  and  of  the  merely  hortatory 
elements  so  common  in  Chinese  documents  it  may  be 
expressed  in  the  following  rough  outline.  Governmental 
authority  must  be  maintained,  but  the  officials  must 
govern  in  accord  with  public  opinion,  though  not  in 
detail  dependent  upon  it.  The  character  and  morale  of 
official  methods  must  be  improved.  The  tests  for  ap- 
pointment to  office  must  be  based  upon  modern  science 
and  practical  efficiency,  while  the  character  and  person- 
ality of  the  candidate  too  must  be  taken  into  account  in 
making  selections.  Salaries  will  be  increased  in  order 
that  the  officers  of  the  Government  may  not  depend 
upon  illegal  fees  and  exactions.  The  general  efficiency 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


269 


of  the  system  is  to  be  improved  through  the  enforce- 
ment of  stricter  responsibility,  and  through  scientific 
accounting.  In  all  this  work  the  people  should  assist  the 
Government  and  give  it  their  confidence.  Such  repre- 
sentation as  will  be  accorded  them  ought  to  strengthen 
the  state  by  enlisting  popular  sympathy  and  coopera- 
tion. But  a constitution  cannot  be  imported  from  with- 
out; it  must  build  upon  the  living  forces  in  the  nation 
and  utilize  them  for  the  general  ends  of  the  state.  The 
Government,  therefore,  must  be  allowed  to  take  time  to 
feel  its  way,  in  order  that  the  institutions,  once  intro- 
duced, may  actually  fit  into  the  political  and  social  life 
of  China. 

The  Chinese  Government  would,  of  course,  be  reluct- 
ant to  give  up  the  substance  of  power  to  a representative 
assembly.  This  fact  is  made  the  basis  of  the  argument 
advanced  by  the  ultra-revolutionary  forces  that  China 
can  be  endowed  with  true  national  institutions  only 
through  a revolution  in  which  the  dynasty  would  be 
utterly  overthrown  and  a purely  elective  government 
established.  But  it  would  seem  that  in  the  Chinese  situ- 
ation at  the  present  time,  Burke  is  rather  a safer  guide 
than  Rousseau.  The  Government  would,  indeed,  defeat 
its  own  purposes,  and  might  bring  on  even  sadder  catas- 
trophes than  China  has  already  suffered,  if  it  should 
attempt  to  dam  up  the  great  forces  of  public  opinion 
that  are  now  seeking  to  express  themselves.  A national 
parliament  must  be  created;  and  it  must,  moreover,  be 


270  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


a body  truly  representative  of  the  intelligence  and  en- 
ergy of  the  nation.  We  ought,  of  course,  not  to  expect 
too  much  of  such  an  institution,  as  parliaments  are  not 
ideal  in  any  part  of  the  world.  But  when  public  opinion 
has  thus  been  enlisted,  there  will  have  been  created  an 
inquest  of  the  nation,  through  which  the  Government 
may  readily  ascertain  the  feeling  of  its  subjects  through- 
out the  Empire.  New  imposts  of  taxation  will  be  given 
authority  by  acceptance  through  representatives,  and 
the  financial  administration  of  the  Empire  will  benefit 
through  parliamentary  control. 

But  all  this  is  only  a beginning.  An  institution  like  a 
parliament  brings  with  it  new  difficulties,  party  con- 
troversies, the  introduction  into  political  life  of  personal 
ambitions,  although  on  a far  higher  plane  than  that  of 
court  intrigue.  So  the  difficulties  of  China  will  not  van- 
ish by  the  creation  of  this  organ.  China  will,  indeed, 
have  endowed  herself  with  an  instrument  that  may  be 
used  toward  bettering  her  general  condition.  But  the 
real  work  of  reform  must  be  done  in  the  administration. 
There  the  confidence  of  the  people  must  be  won.  The 
corrupt  methods  which  have  obtained  in  the  past  must 
give  way  to  strict  accountability,  and  to  the  mainten- 
ance of  just  and  legal  charges.  The  great  public  works 
which  the  Government  is  undertaking  call  for  unusual 
capacity  and  devotion  in  the  public  service.  Should 
there  be  over-centralization,  the  development  of  the 
provinces  would  suffer;  and  yet  these  great  units  will 


A PARLIAMENT  FOR  CHINA 


271 


have  to  submit  to  a more  direct,  centralized  control  than 
they  have  felt  in  the  past,  in  order  that  the  nation  may 
act  as  one  body  and  bring  to  bear  its  concentrated  en- 
ergies. Thus  it  is  clear  that,  with  the  achievement  of 
parliamentary  institutions,  the  real  work  of  China  will 
have  just  begun.  But  if  these  institutions  can  be  so 
adjusted  that  they  will  constitute  the  expression  of  a 
true  union  between  the  Government  and  the  people,  the 
solution  of  the  other  difficulties  and  problems  will  have 
been  rendered  far  easier  than  it  would  have  been  in  the 
hands  of  an  administration  working  at  cross-purposes 
with  an  independent  public  opinion. 


CHAPTER  VII 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  1 

The  intellectual  life  of  less  self-conscious  ages  than 
ours  has  had  no  independent  existence.  Men  have  sought 
some  other  primary  purpose,  and  given  to  philosophy, 
to  poetry,  to  story-telling,  only  that  time  and  attention 
which  they  could  spare  from  more  strenuous,  or  at  least 
outwardly  more  energetic,  pursuits.  The  minnesinger  or 
troubadour  played  on  his  viol  and  poetized  when  he  was 
not  wielding  the  sword.  When  men  first  began  to  devote 
themselves  entirely  to  the  joys  of  the  spirit,  their  fate  is 
that  of  Rutebceuf,  — grinding  poverty,  and  the  gray 
misery  of  an  outcast’s  life;  unless  perchance  they  may 
come  to  enjoy  the  patronage  of  some  Maecenas.  From 
these  humiliations,  they  cannot,  with  Doctor  Johnson, 
proudly  declare  themselves  independent,  until  another 
age  has  dawned,  an  age  in  which  the  things  of  the  mind 
are  valued  in  and  for  themselves. 

Japan  is  but  now  emerging  from  a state  of  culture 
which  it  shared  with  mediaeval  Europe  throughout 
a remarkable  parallelism  of  historic  development.  In 

1 In  connection  with  this  chapter  the  author  desires  to  call 
attention  to  the  excellent  literary  summaries  published  in  the 
Japan  Mail,  of  which  he  has  been  a constant  reader  and  which 
give  an  admirable  current  account  of  Japanese  literary  activities. 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  273 


Japan,  as  in  Europe,  it  was  the  priest  who  philosophized, 
though  his  first  duty  was  to  pray;  it  was  the  samurai, 
the  warrior,  who  developed  poetry  in  the  moments  of 
relaxation  from  the  severities  of  military  discipline  and 
warlike  combat.  Yet,  though  intellectual  life  under 
these  conditions  can  develop  only  as  it  connects  itself  in 
an  ancillary  way  with  the  two  great  interests  of  war  and 
religion,  nevertheless  the  clear  purpose  and  well-defined 
ideals  that  are  apt  to  animate  an  age  of  action  are  favor- 
able to  the  creation  of  literary  masterpieces,  so  that 
there  may  be  a literature  though  there  are  no  literary 
men.  But  even  in  Dante,  the  temper  of  priest  and  war- 
rior is  predominant. 

In  old  Japan,  art  and  philosophy  were  hieratic,  or 
courtly  and  precious.  Under  the  Tokugawa  regime  a 
new  era  dawned  with  the  popularizing  of  literature 
through  Bakin,  and  the  picturing  of  the  humbler  phases 
of  life  in  the  Ukiyoye.  Then  with  the  Restoration  a 
flood  of  new  experiences  and  emotions  burst  upon  the 
Japanese,  carrying  them  along  toward  a more  varied  and 
specialized  civilization.  Yet  the  substructure  of  Japan- 
ese society  is  so  firm  that  the  earlier  influences  and  ideas 
are  still  powerful,  and  we  cannot  understand  the  intel- 
lectual struggles  and  triumphs  of  modern  Japan  unless 
we  often  revert  to  the  literary  activities  of  the  priests 
and  the  samurai,  or  rather  of  those  among  them  who 
had  a feeling  for  the  things  of  the  mind. 

With  the  new  era  has  come  a reign  of  general  educa- 


274  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


tion.  Illiteracy  has  almost  disappeared,  and  a large 
reading  public  has  come  into  being.  We  cannot,  indeed, 
expect  the  same  taste  and  discrimination  that  charac- 
terized the  courtly  circles  of  the  earlier  age,  but  there  is 
a broader  field  in  which  intellectual  life  — of  higher  or 
lower  aspirations  — may  flourish.  Old  class  distinctions 
and  trade-groupings  have  broken  down,  and  the  simple 
activities  of  the  earlier  societies  have  multiplied  and 
have  become  specialized  in  the  endless  complexity  of 
modern  life.  Thus  there  has  come  about  an  opportunity 
for  men  to  devote  themselves  more  exclusively  to  science, 
literature,  or  philosophy.  In  dignity  and  independence 
their  position  is  not  equal  to  that  which  savants  have 
obtained  in  Western  countries,  but  something  has  been 
achieved  in  that  direction.  The  limitations  inherited 
from  the  earlier  society  still  condition  these  activities, 
but  they  are  emerging  constantly  into  greater  promin- 
ence and  repute. 

Whoever  desires  to  grasp  the  essential  currents  of 
Japanese  thought,  and  picture  to  himself  the  modern 
development  of  Japanese  psychology,  is  beset  with  in- 
numerable difficulties,  which  all,  however,  contribute  to 
the  deep  interest  of  the  problem.  The  adjustment  of  an 
old  culture,  itself  highly  refined  and  complex,  to  en- 
tirely new  conditions;  trying  demands  upon  faculties 
which  had  not  been  cultivated  before;  the  adoption  of 
new  processes  and  modes  of  thought,  and  their  amal- 
gamation with  those  elements  which  had  been  retained 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  275 


from  the  past  — these  are  the  main  requirements  im- 
posed upon  Japan  by  her  new  situation.  Of  transcendent 
interest  to  the  student  of  psychology  is  the  rapid  devel- 
opment of  faculties  such  as  the  mathematical,  which  in 
the  feudal  society  were  considered  unworthy  of  cultiva- 
tion, being  looked  down  upon  as  mercenary  and  plebeian. 

Nor  is  the  Japanese  mind  perplexed  only  by  the  diffi- 
culty of  choosing  between  the  old  and  the  new.  Added 
to  this  great  problem  of  policy  and  conduct,  is  one 
common  to  the  entire  civilized  world  to-day,  but  which 
under  Japanese  conditions  assumes  a peculiarly  trouble- 
some aspect.  It  concerns  the  relation  of  the  demands  of 
material  development  and  technical  perfection  to  those 
deeper  elements  of  culture  — the  art  of  literary  and 
pictorial  expression,  the  emotional  life  of  poetry,  and  all 
that  mankind  yearns  after  when  its  highways  have  been 
constructed  and  its  harvests  garnered.  The  necessities 
of  national  self-defense  and  maintenance  have  in  Japan 
emphasized  everything  that  makes  for  material  strength 
and  have  put  on  the  defensive,  even  more  than  in  West- 
ern countries,  those  pursuits  and  enthusiasms  whose 
value  transcends  mathematical  demonstration. 

The  student  of  Japanese  psychology  will  also  note 
many  other  interesting  likenesses  to  other  civilizations. 
Though  in  character  and  temperament  the  Japanese 
have  much  in  common  with  the  French,  yet  in  their 
intellectual  and  scientific  culture,  they  have  followed 
rather  the  English  and  the  Germans.  During  the  pre- 


276  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


sent  era,  the  star  of  the  French  has  not  been  in  the 
ascendant;  they  are  not  preeminently  a successful  race. 
And  disregarding  to  a certain  extent  intellectual  sym- 
pathies, Japan  has  turned  to  those  who,  under  present 
conditions,  stand  for  demonstrable  success  and  positive 
achievement. 

Before  entering  upon  a survey  of  the  intellectual  life 
of  Japan,  it  is  necessary  that  we  should  divest  ourselves 
entirely  of  the  superficial  theory,  so  frequently  put  for- 
ward, that  there  is  an  impassable  gulf  between  the 
psychology  of  the  East  and  that  of  the  West.  If  such  a 
view  is  to  be  held  at  all,  we  ought  to  accept  it  only  after 
it  has  been  forced  upon  us  unavoidably  as  the  result  of 
long  observation  and  comparison  in  many  fields  of  intel- 
lectual life.  Nothing  is  easier  than  to  enunciate  a 
startling,  absolute  theory  and  then  to  give  a few  ex- 
amples, which  to  the  superficial  view  bear  out  the 
aphorism.  No  matter  how  different  from  our  own  may 
be  the  Japanese  mental  attitude  and  manner  of  expres- 
sion, it  is  not  necessary  to  accept  such  a transcendental 
explanation  when  we  still  have  the  effects  of  social 
structure  and  physical  environment  to  take  into  account 
as  determining  factors.  Were  we  to  enter  upon  this 
matter  at  this  place,  it  would  be  easy  to  make  a prima 
fade  case  for  the  identity  of  psychological  organization 
and  intellectual  activity  among  Japanese  and  Europeans; 
but  this  is  not  our  purpose.  We  would  rather  look  at  life 
as  it  presents  itself  and,  above  all,  endeavor  to  appreci- 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  277 


ate  the  multitude  of  shades  that  distinguish  apparently 
similar  relations  and  phenomena.  Thus,  shunning  gen- 
eralization of  a sweeping  kind,  we  shall  pass  in  review 
certain  types  of  Japanese  intellectual  experience,  and 
attempt  to  gather  by  accretion  a composite  view  of  the 
operation  of  intellectual  forces  in  the  Japan  of  to-day. 

The  type  of  priest  who  is  also  a philosopher  and  man 
of  learning  is  still  found  in  Japan,  though  modernized 
and  adapted  to  new  conditions.  Let  us  look  for  a mo- 
ment at  the  career  of  Count  Kozui  Otani,  by  inheritance 
Lord  Abbot  of  the  Nishi  Hongwanji,  the  great  western 
monastery  of  the  Shin  sect  of  Buddhism.  This  young 
man,  destined  for  the  most  influential  position  in  the 
Buddhist  Church  in  Japan,  prepared  himself  for  his 
duties  and  responsibilities  by  a long  period  of  study 
abroad.  He  spent  four  years  in  Europe  examining  the 
relations  of  religion  to  political  life,  looking  into  the 
details  of  the  government  of  the  Established  Church  in 
England  and  Germany,  as  well  as  into  the  religious  dif- 
ficulties of  France.  Nor  was  he  without  the  companion- 
ship of  numerous  other  Buddhist  students,  men  of  high 
rank  who  were  following  learning  with  a similar  purpose 
and  from  a similar  point  of  view  in  the  great  centres  of 
European  education.1 

1 His  brother,  Sompo  Otani,  was  studying  at  Cambridge; 
Tesshin  Watanabe  and  S.  Fujii  were  observing  ecclesiastical 
government  in  England;  S.  Sonada  was  at  Berlin  following  the 
university  courses  on  comparative  religion ; while  another  member 
of  the  group,  K.  Honda,  was  far  away  in  Sumatra,  investigating 
the  condition  of  his  co-religionaries  in  that  island. 


278  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


After  completing  his  European  studies,  Count  Otani 
went  to  India,  where  he  carried  on  researches  in  the 
early  history  of  Buddha  and  his  religion.  He  gathered 
many  inscriptions  and  other  historical  data,  proceeding 
in  the  collection  and  criticism  of  historical  material  ac- 
cording to  approved  scientific  methods.  The  death  of 
the  reigning  Lord  Abbot  called  him  back  to  Japan  in 
1903.  Here  an  abundance  of  work  lay  ready  to  his  hand. 
Buddhist  missionaries  were  sent  to  the  United  States 
and  to  China,  and  the  Buddhist  societies  in  California 
were  given  assistance  and  encouragement.  When  the 
great  war  came,  a service  of  chaplains  for  the  army  had 
to  be  organized.  The  patriotic  outburst  of  the  war 
aroused  in  Buddhist  endeavor  new  vigor  and  enthusi- 
asm. Especially  in  the  field  of  China  was  missionary 
work  taken  up  with  redoubled  energy.  Fertile  in  re- 
sources, an  active  and  efficient  organizer,  the  Lord 
Abbot  has  been  the  soul  of  the  great  Buddhist  expansion 
of  these  recent  years.  Meanwhile,  he  leads  the  simplest 
of  lives,  ascetic  in  his  conduct,  living  without  ostenta- 
tion or  a large  household,  but  full  of  energy  and  enthus- 
iasm in  his  action. 

The  sermons  of  another  Buddhist  ecclesiastic,  Soyen 
Shaku,  Lord  Abbot  of  the  great  Kamakura  monastery, 
which  were  delivered  to  audiences  in  the  United  States, 
also  give  us  an  insight  into  the  intellectual  awakening 
among  the  higher  Buddhist  clergy.  Not  only  are  in- 
ternal questions  of  belief  and  ethical  principle  dealt  with 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  279 


in  a broad  and  modern  spirit,  but  these  sermons  also 
contain  highly  significant  discussions  of  the  relation  of 
Buddhism  to  Oriental  and  Western  culture.  There  is  a 
great  deal  of  preaching  in  Japan,  and  many  books  of 
sermons  are  published.  These  discourses  are  less  formal 
than  with  us,  they  contain  little  of  purely  doctrinal 
matter,  but  discuss  ethical  teaching  in  its  relation  to 
life,  and  are  enlivened  with  many  anecdotes  and  quaint 
applications  of  folk-wisdom. 

In  its  first  effects,  the  Restoration  in  Japan  was  not 
favorable  to  religious  fervor.  The  revival  of  Shinto  pro- 
ceeded from  purely  political  motives  and  did  not  imply 
a strengthening  of  religious  sentiment  except  as  it  ex- 
pressed itself  in  loyalty  to  the  throne  and  to  national 
traditions.  Whatever  religious  zeal  was  aroused  by  this 
feeling  was  turned  into  channels  of  state  action.  The 
attitude  of  mind  of  the  leaders  in  this  great  transforma- 
tion was  purely  secular.  They  judged  of  religions  by 
their  fruits,  that  is,  by  the  ethical  impulse  they  im- 
parted. Nor  were  they  inclined  to  view  with  enthusiasm 
the  achievements  of  the  older  forms  of  religion  in  the 
matter  of  ethical  culture. 

Kunitake  Kume  has  described  for  us,  with  a touch  of 
humor,  the  experience  of  a group  of  representative 
Japanese  in  1872.  In  that  year  Prince  Iwakura  went  to 
America  and  Europe  at  the  head  of  a mission  of  which 
such  prominent  men  as  Kido,  Okubo,  and  Ito  were  mem- 
bers. Kume,  who  accompanied  the  mission  in  the  capac- 


280  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


ity  of  an  expert  on  Chinese  and  literary  subjects,  was 
detailed,  with  another  member,  to  make  an  investiga- 
tion of  the  state  of  religion  in  the  West.  In  their  zeal  to 
begin  work,  they  early  on  the  voyage  accosted  a Roman 
Catholic  priest,  and  questioned  him  about  Western  re 
ligion.  They  got  an  account  of  the  Ten  Commandments 
and  of  the  Trinity;  but  soon  the  tables  were  turned, 
and  they  were  themselves  questioned  on  the  religion  of 
Japan.  The  answers  which  they  gave  did  not  satisfy 
either  themselves  or  their  hearers.  So  a council  of  war 
was  held  in  the  smoking-room  that  night.  What  attitude 
should  the  mission  take  when  questioned  about  Japan- 
ese religion?  It  was  first  suggested  that  they  might 
claim  Buddhism  as  the  religion  of  Japan,  but  it  had  to 
be  confessed  that  there  was  no  one  in  the  mission  who 
knew  enough  of  Buddhism  to  give  a trustworthy  account 
of  it,  especially  on  doctrinal  matters.  Confucianism 
might  be  professed,  but  this  would  not  help  matters,  as 
Occidentals  look  upon  the  doctrines  of  the  great  sage  as 
merely  a politico-ethical  system.  Shinto  was  ruled  out, 
as  it  was  then  too  little  known  in  the  West,  and  also 
because  a religion  which  lacks  sacred  books,  and  one 
whose  observances  are  so  archaic,  might  not  particularly 
impress  the  Western  mind.  There  remained  no  alter- 
native but  to  confess  that  Japan  had  no  religion  — an 
unfortunate  situation,  because  heathen  are  considered 
but  little  better  than  wild  beasts  in  the  West. 

This  dilemma  did  not,  however,  prove  fatal  to  the 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  281 


mission,  for  they  were  not  questioned  as  to  their  religion 
during  all  the  remainder  of  their  trip.  On  their  part 
they  had  the  amusement  of  wandering  at  the  strange- 
ness of  Western  ceremonies  and  at  the  piety  of  their 
host,  when  Sir  Harry  Parkes  took  them  to  a service  of 
the  Established  Church  in  England.  In  relating  this 
experience,  Kume  dwells  upon  the  change  which  has 
come  over  the  educated  Japanese  in  the  matter  of  re- 
ligion. In  the  earlier  part  of  the  Meiji  era  most  men  of 
education  shunned  religion  as  unworthy  of  a rational 
mind  and  corrupting  in  its  practices.  Now  they  no 
longer  denounce  and  repudiate  religion,  but  admitting 
the  importance  of  religious  sentiment,  direct  their  shafts 
of  satire  against  beliefs  and  practices  that  seem  super- 
stitious. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  apparent  that  the  educated 
classes  of  Japan  are  not  entirely  free  from  what  may  be 
truly  called  superstition,  — from  the  personal  belief  that 
man  is  surrounded  by  beneficent  as  well  as  by  evil  spirits 
or  influences,  which  may  be  propitiated  by  befitting 
observances.  Fanciful  suppositions  of  occult  influences 
by  which  the  course  of  human  destiny  is  determined,  are 
common  in  Japan.  During  the  Russian  War,  carloads  of 
ikons  were  shipped  to  the  frontier  by  the  Orthodox  be- 
lievers; but  the  Japanese,  also,  did  not  disdain  to  court 
the  favor  of  mystic  powers  by  wearing  amulets,  and 
observing  special  rites. 

It  is  difficult  to  draw  the  line  between  superstition  and 


282  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


higher  forms  of  religion,  and  the  ceremonies  observed  by 
such  great  leaders  as  Togo  and  Kodama  undoubtedly 
bear  witness  to  the  awakening  of  religious  feeling  under 
the  spur  of  the  tremendous  struggle  for  national  life.  But 
other  practices  common  among  the  people  are  plainly 
superstitious  — certain  sounds  are  believed  to  forbode 
ill,  there  are  lucky  and  unlucky  ways  of  beginning  an  un- 
dertaking. Wonder-working  priests  have  a great  many 
adherents,  even  among  the  educated  and  the  wealthy; 
nor  have  the  superstitious  practices  of  such  sects  as  the 
JisshukyO,  whose  activities  are  devoted  mainly  to  ex- 
orcism and  divination,  abated  with  the  progress  of  en- 
lightenment. 

The  fading  of  the  first  flush  of  rationalism  which 
dominated  the  beginning  of  the  Meiji  era,  has  thus  re- 
sulted not  only  in  a revival  of  religious  sentiment,  but 
also  in  a recrudescence  of  superstitious  feelings  and 
observances.  In  the  masses  of  the  people,  rationalism 
had  made  little  headway,  and  the  grosser  superstitions 
current  among  them  have  never  been  energetically  com- 
bated by  the  priests,  who  profit  by  popular  ignorance  in 
these  matters.  There  is,  however,  in  Japanese  supersti- 
tion much  that  is  poetical,  much  that  has  a deep  mean- 
ing, approaching  to  a profound  wisdom  in  matters  of 
human  destiny,  as  is  well  known  to  those  who  have  read 
Hearn’s  marvelous  studies  in  the  borderland  of  psychic 
mystery. 

The  evolution  of  religious  sentiment  in  Japan  is 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  283 


closely  related  with  the  development  of  political  and 
social  life.  During  the  earlier  period  of  Meiji,  positivist 
tendencies  based  upon  European  thought  as  represented 
by  Spencer  and  Haeckel  were  most  prominent.  For  a 
while  it  seemed  as  if  religious  feeling  was  largely  dis- 
appearing from  among  the  educated  people  of  Japan. 
Then  came  a revival  of  nationalism,  inspired  on  the  one 
hand  by  romanticist  views  of  Japanese  history  and 
traditions,  on  the  other,  by  the  growing  ambition  of 
political  power.  In  the  Nippon  Shugi  movement,  ro- 
manticists like  Takayama  played  a prominent  part. 
This  writer  was  strongly  influenced  by  the  thought  of 
Nietzsche,  whom  he  introduced  to  Japanese  readers.  He 
sought  in  the  traditions  of  his  country  for  the  materials 
toward  building  up  a strong  national  feeling.  Nichiren, 
the  patriotic  monk,  was  his  chief  admiration.  Thus  the 
nationalistic  renaissance  led  to  a revival  of  religious 
feeling  among  classes  that  had  formerly  seemed  very 
cool  toward  religion,  and  efforts  were  made  to  infuse 
new  life  and  enthusiasm  into  the  national  forms  of  wor- 
ship. Mystic  tendencies  were  also  strengthened  at  this 
time;  many  prophets  arose,  and  spirit-seeing  became  a 
common  experience.  Incidentally  Christianity  in  Japan 
was  also  favored  through  this  accentuation  of  religious 
sentiment;  although  at  the  same  time  the  demand  grew 
that  the  Christian  religion  in  Japan  must  assume  a 
national  character.  As  already  pointed  out,  the  Russian 
War  gave  further  impetus  to  these  tendencies  and  the 


284  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


pendulum  swung  very  far  in  the  direction  of  religiosity. 
The  movement  had  now,  however,  reached  a climax; 
the  intellectual  temper  reasserted  itself,  and  Japan  be- 
came less  inclined  to  religious  fervor.  The  rationalist 
materialism  of  the  earlier  era  was  not,  indeed,  rehabil- 
itated, but  a similar  tendency  gained  control  in  the 
movement  called  naturalism,  which,  on  the  basis  of 
French  and  Russian  realism,  favors  a high  degree  of 
intellectual  emancipation  and  a study  of  human  life  in 
all  its  phases. 

Religious  life  is  not  stationary  in  Japan,  or  in  other 
Oriental  countries.  Sects  are  still  being  thrown  off  by 
the  main  stocks  of  religion;  new  tendencies  are  being 
developed  in  individual  groups.  Such  a new  creed  is 
Shingaku,  which  attempts  to  represent  in  itself  the  best 
elements  of  Shinto,  Confucianism,  and  the  Buddhist 
faith.  There  are  two  recent  Shinto  sects,  the  Remmon 
Kyokai  and  the  Tenri  Kyokai,  which  seem  to  many  to 
be  but  baneful  and  superstitious  corruptions  of  Shinto. 
Tenri  Kyokai  (the  teaching  of  heavenly  bliss)  has  a 
strange  similarity  to  the  Christian  Science  movement  in 
America,  especially  in  the  matter  of  healing  disease 
through  prayer.  The  sect  was  founded  by  a woman, 
Omiki,  who  exercised  a great  personal  ascendency  over 
her  followers.  Its  doctrines  are  simple  and  lack  scientific 
logic,  which  does  not  interfere  with  their  effectiveness 
among  the  people.  The  ethical  beliefs  of  the  sect  have  a 
tinge  of  individualism  as  well  as  of  communism,  incul- 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  285 


eating  the  sacredness  of  labor,  cooperation  in  the  activ- 
ities of  life,  and  mutual  assistance  in  misfortune.  It 
calls  for  fellowship  between  husbands  and  wives,  and 
would  give  Japanese  women  a more  independent  posi- 
tion. But  the  sect  appeals  most  to  the  Japanese  masses 
by  associating  religion  with  health  and  material  welfare. 
It  preaches  cheerfulness,  and  aims  to  uplift  the  masses  to 
a more  joyous  condition  of  life.  Its  faith-healing  prac- 
tice, resting  on  optimistic  views  of  psychic  power,  at- 
tracts many  votaries.  Though  it  teaches  kindly  morals, 
its  ethical  standards  are  not  exacting,  and  it  calls  for  no 
self-sacrifice  other  than  that  which  is  involved  in  fellow- 
ship and  cooperation.  The  sect  believes  in  one  chief  god 
or  supreme  ruler,  and  is  true  to  its  Shinto  derivation  in 
being  extremely  nationalistic  in  its  enthusiasm.  Its  joy- 
ousness often  takes  a luxuriant  form,  such  as  hilarious 
dancing  and  wild  orgies,  — frowned  upon  by  the  police 
authorities.  For  this  reason,  the  Government  at  first 
refused  to  recognize  the  sect  as  an  authorized  religious 
body.  But  the  growth  of  the  Tenrikyo  in  numbers  and 
influence  was  such  that  the  State  was  forced  to  take 
official  cognizance  of  it.  In  the  few  decades  of  its  exist- 
ence, this  sect  has  grown  so  as  to  comprise  at  the  present 
time  over  four  million  adherents,  and  many  thousand 
preachers. 

Japanese  Buddhism  is  remarkable  for  the  great  num- 
ber of  sects  into  which  the  believers  are  divided.  Every 
conceivable  tendency  of  thought  is  represented  by  a 


286  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


different  grouping.  Of  late  there  has,  moreover,  been 
great  activity  in  the  formation  of  Buddhist  societies 
among  the  educated  people.  Among  organizations  re- 
cently formed,  the  Great  Japan  Young  Men’s  Buddhist 
Association,  which  works  among  the  students  of  the  dif- 
ferent Tokio  universities,  is  perhaps  the  most  important. 
Many  of  its  older  members  have  attained  high  position 
in  the  social  and  political  world,  and  the  society  there- 
fore enjoys  a considerable  influence  among  the  intellect- 
ual classes.  It  includes  among  its  members  adherents 
of  all  the  different  sects  of  Buddhism. 

Other  associations  are  formed  for  special  purposes, 
such  as  the  scientific  study  of  Buddhism,  the  commemo- 
ration of  important  personalities,  or  the  development  of 
the  tenets  of  particular  sects.  The  great  commercial 
house  of  Mitsui  and  Company  has  been  instrumental  in 
organizing  a Buddhist  society  of  nearly  one  thousand 
members  — officials,  statesmen,  newspaper  editors,  and 
well-known  business  men.  This  society  devotes  itself 
especially  to  meditation  and  to  the  study  of  Hekigan- 
roku,  one  of  the  most  popular  books  of  the  Zen  sect. 
Recently  a young  Buddhist  priest  has  established  a dor- 
mitory where  he  brings  under  his  educational  and  relig- 
ious influence  a great  number  of  young  men.  These  are 
some  of  the  centres  of  activity  through  which  Buddhism 
is  regaining  in  part  the  influence  wrhich  it  formerly  exer- 
cised among  the  intellectual  classes  of  Japan. 

We  may  note  in  passing  that  the  situation  is  not  en- 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  287 


tirely  unfavorable  to  the  further  development  of  Chris- 
tianity in  Japan.  The  rationalistic  apathy  of  the  first 
part  of  the  Meiji  era  was  the  most  unpropitious  soil  for 
religious  growth.  Rationalism  is  indeed  still  strong,  and 
therefore  rationalistic  forms  of  Protestantism,  especially 
Unitarianism,  have  exercised  a definite  influence  among 
thinking  men  of  Japan.  Some  scholars  even  believe  in 
the  possibility  of  a Japanese  religion  constructed  upon  a 
rational  basis,  with  an  eclectic  use  of  the  best  elements 
in  other  religions.  Of  this  opinion  is  Doctor  Tetsujiro 
Inouye,  whose  writings  are  quite  representative  of  the 
thought  of  educated  Japanese.  Doctor  Inouye’s  point 
of  view  is,  however,  essentially  secular.  He  values  re- 
ligions according  to  their  ethical  contents  and  the  moral 
influence  which  they  exert.  Neither  Buddhism  nor 
Christianity,  considered  as  forms  of  supernatural  belief, 
inspires  him  with  enthusiasm.  The  mixture  of  doctrines 
in  Buddhism  brings  about  a distracting  confusion,  and 
as  for  moral  influence,  “the  majority  of  Buddhist  priests 
are  so  bad  that  if  there  was  such  a place  as  hell  they 
ought  to  be  the  first  to  go  there.”  Christian  teaching,  on 
the  other  hand,  to  his  mind,  lacks  many  of  the  character- 
forming elements  in  which  Confucianism  is  rich.  In 
common  with  many  Japanese  Christians,  he  believes 
that  the  future  growth  and  influence  of  Christianity  in 
Japan  depends  upon  the  manner  in  which  it  shall  be  able 
to  solve  the  ethical  questions  that  perplex  Japan,  and  to 
adapt  itself  to  Japanese  character  and  social  conditions. 


288  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


The  search  for  ethical  standards  to  be  applied  in 
national  life  has  strengthened  the  hold  which  Confu- 
cianism has  upon  the  Japanese.  The  ethical  elements 
contained  in  Bushido,  the  warrior’s  code  which  has  of 
late  received  so  much  applause  in  Europe  and  America, 
are  drawn  mainly  from  Confucian  thought;  therefore 
the  success  of  Japan  in  the  recent  war  again  redounds  to 
the  prestige  of  the  Chinese  sage,  as  it  encourages  in 
general  a return  to  Oriental  origins.  Thus  it  happens 
that  we  witnessed,  a year  or  two  ago,  the  revival  in 
Japan  of  the  custom  of  publicly  paying  honor  to  the 
memory  of  Confucius.  This  ceremony  in  honor  of  Con- 
fucius had  been  allowed  to  lapse  at  the  time  of  the  Re- 
storation, when  Japan  was  bent  upon  the  revival  of 
Shinto  and  was  in  other  respects  looking  to  Europe  for 
light  and  guidance.  But  now  the  commemorative  fest- 
ival is  again  observed  — a spontaneous  homage  to  a 
great  Oriental  sage  and  hero.  Moreover,  Confucian 
thought  has  been  made  the  basis  of  the  practical  work 
of  several  ethical  societies,  as  notably  of  the  association 
which,  under  the  guidance  of  such  men  as  Baron  Shi- 
busawa  and  Mr.  Yano  Tsuneta,  is  attempting  to  develop 
higher  standards  of  morality  in  the  Japanese  business 
world. 

In  the  matter  of  ethical  ideals  and  common  morality, 
Japan  is  passing  through  a critical  era.  The  code  of 
Bushido,  which  produced  the  moral  excellences  of  the 
feudal  age,  deals  in  the  main  only  with  the  reciprocal 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  289 


duties  of  feudal  vassal  and  superior.  It  has  no  teachings 
for  the  relations  of  man  to  man  in  a more  democratic 
state  of  society,  especially  in  a society  of  competition 
where  men  meet  face  to  face  in  the  strenuous  and  grim 
struggle  for  a livelihood.  Despite  itself,  Japanese  society 
is  becoming  individualistic.  The  harsh  compulsion  of 
the  competitive  system,  ambitious  striving  after  success, 
or  mere  grasping  for  the  necessaries  of  life,  has  brought 
into  play  motives  which  were  dormant  in  the  older  era 
of  group  association.  The  word  “success”  is  used  as 
frequently  in  Japan  as  in  the  rest  of  the  world,  and  seems 
to  exercise  the  same  kind  of  charm. 

With  the  older  restraints  removed,  and  with  a univer- 
sal worship  of  getting  ahead,  there  remains  no  ethical 
check  upon  selfish  and  ruthless  action  in  the  scramble 
for  livelihood,  wealth,  and  power.  The  virtues  of  liber- 
ality, generosity,  and  self-control,  inculcated  by  the  code 
of  Bushido,  have  not  as  yet  been  transferred  to  the 
ordinary  relations  between  men.  Even  the  greatest  ad- 
mirer of  Bushido  would  not  claim  that  this  code  answers 
the  moral  needs  of  Japan  to-day.  The  inspiring  devo- 
tion and  self-sacrifice  of  the  Japanese  soldier  have  not 
been  given  their  counterpart  in  the  virtues  of  everyday 
life.  The  principle  of  the  limitation  of  moral  force  seems 
to  be  borne  out  by  Japanese  experience.  The  poten- 
tialities of  Japan  are  exhausted  in  the  heroic  virtues  of 
war  and  the  traditional  loyalty  and  piety  toward  super- 
iors and  parents.  A new  distribution  of  moral  energies, 


290  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


in  accord  with  the  new  structure  of  society,  is  a task 
that  will  require  the  patient  effort  of  generations. 

In  the  field  of  ethical  speculation,  men’s  minds  are 
confused  by  the  impact  of  system  upon  system,  and  sect 
upon  sect.  Christian  ethics  is  a matter  of  ideal  to  which, 
even  in  Christian  societies,  conduct  conforms  only  in 
part;  it  is  an  aspiration  which  presupposes  all  that  is 
contained  in  Western  civilization.  Its  full  bearing  and 
influence  cannot,  therefore,  be  appreciated  by  an  alien 
society.  The  greatness  of  Buddhism  lies  in  the  realm  of 
psychology  and  in  the  refinement  of  mental  powers  and 
processes,  through  freeing  the  mind  from  the  limitations 
of  individual  existence.  On  the  side  of  popular  morals, 
its  teachings  are  subject  to  a great  many  conflicting  in- 
terpretations. The  ethics  of  Confucius  does  not  deal 
with  the  relations  of  man  to  man,  but  with  certain 
enumerated  social  relations,  leaving  the  men  who  may 
not  be  thus  bound  together  confronted  with  each  other 
in  the  struggle  of  competition  without  any  adequate 
ethical  guidance. 

Whatever  instruction  the  masses  of  the  Japanese 
people  receive  in  ethical  subjects  is  based  upon  the  im- 
perial edict  of  1890  on  education.  With  great  wisdom 
the  Japanese  Government  resolved  to  place  public  edu- 
cation on  a secular  footing;  and  in  following  the  pre- 
cedent set  by  America,  it  avoided  the  endless  struggles 
which  the  introduction  of  religious  teaching  would  in- 
evitably have  brought  about.  But  it  was  felt  that  some 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  291 


ethical  guidance  should  be  afforded  the  young.  The 
highest  authority  in  the  realm,  therefore,  addressed  the 
nation  on  this  matter  in  the  edict  which  has  become 
the  Magna  Charta  of  Japanese  education. 

The  principles  which  this  edict  lays  down  as  funda- 
mental in  ethical  culture  are  grouped  about  the  duties 
of  loyalty  to  the  sovereign,  and  piety  toward  parents 
and  other  superiors.  A second  edict  was  issued  in  1908, 
which  instills  the  virtues  of  frugality,  frankness,  and 
simplicity  of  life.  The  moral  problems  resulting  from 
the  victories  over  Russia  offered  the  occasion  for  issuing 
this  edict;  but  its  purpose  may  also  have  been  to  supply 
guidance  in  the  more  ordinary  and  less  heroic  virtues,  of 
which  Japan  has  been  in  special  need  in  times  that 
require  patient  dutifulness  in  everyday  relations.  The 
reception  accorded  this  ethical  exhortation  was  rather 
cool,  and  some  critical  minds  ventured  to  suggest  that 
such  preaching  on  the  part  of  the  Government  was  not 
complimentary  to  the  intelligence  and  self-reliance  of 
the  nation. 

The  complaint  is  often  heard  that  while  the  edict 
might  be  made  the  basis  of  broad  instruction,  the  official 
interpretation  has  been  such  as  to  confine  emphasis 
entirely  to  the  ideas  of  loyalty  and  filial  piety  {chu  ko ). 
Should  any  teacher  attempt  a broader  treatment,  or 
should  he  even  suggest  that  the  imperial  edict  ought  to 
be  supplemented  by  further  instruction  in  order  to  fulfill 
its  purpose,  he  might  be  accused  of  want  of  respect  to 


292  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


i 


the  Emperor,  and  his  position  would  be  endangered. 
The  Japanese  school  system  exercises  the  most  pains- 
taking care  with  respect  to  the  observance  of  loyalty  to 
the  Emperor.  The  loyalty  which  the  Bushido  code  in- 
culcated is  at  the  present  time  focused  entirely  upon  the 
head  of  the  state.  The  Emperor’s  photograph  hangs  in 
every  schoolroom  in  the  Empire.  The  attitude  of  stud- 
ents and  teachers  toward  this  picture  is  one  of  vener- 
ation, sometimes  almost  of  fearsome  awe.  It  is  certainly 
not  in  accord  with  the  wishes  of  His  Majesty  that  his 
picture  should  become  a source  of  apprehension  to  his 
subjects,  and  yet  such  has  been  the  result,  in  many  cases, 
of  official  practice.  Persons  have  lost  their  lives  in  try- 
ing to  rescue  the  photograph  from  fire,  and  school  prin- 
cipals have  committed  suicide  because  the  imperial 
picture  had  been  destroyed  or  removed. 

A peculiar  situation  has  thus  been  brought  about.  In 
the  schools  from  which  religious  instruction  is  excluded, 
there  has  grown  up  a political  cult,  which  claims  the 
entire  force  of  the  religious  sentiments  of  the  pupils  in 
deep  reverence,  and  the  unquestioned  acceptance  of 
mythical  explanations  of  national  origins.  The  moral 
capital  accumulated  during  the  feudal  era  has  been  in- 
vested almost  entirely  in  loyalty  to  the  Emperor.  By 
the  side  of  this  cult,  no  other  religious  feelings  are  en- 
couraged in  the  schools;  any  ethical  ideas  that  do  not 
directly  contribute  to  its  strength  are  frowned  upon  by 
the  authorities.  A certain  kind  of  official  guardianship 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  293 


over  morals  is  also  illustrated  by  an  order  issued  by  the 
Tokio  police  to  troops  of  itinerant  story-tellers,  to  the 
effect  that  only  such  stories  are  to  be  related  as  teach 
loyalty  to  superiors  and  filial  piety.  It  is  not  difficult  to 
imagine  how  readily  these  disreputable  vagabonds  will 
satisfy  ethical  requirements  by  allowing  their  hero- 
villains  to  utter  a few  pious  sentiments  — an  ethical 
legerdemain  which  is,  as  we  know,  also  practiced  with 
us  in  higher  circles  of  dramatic  “art.” 

While  speaking  of  ethical  motives  in  Japanese  life,  we 
ought  not  to  overlook  the  fact  that  ethical  conflicts  form 
the  deepest  interest  in  Japanese  drama  and  literature. 
The  Japanese  distinguish  between  giri,  which  is  reason, 
principle,  duty,  and  ninjo,  human  affections.  Wfien 
these  two  are  in  conflict,  the  knightly  code  of  Japan  de- 
mands an  absolute  sacrifice  of  all  human  feeling.  The 
moral  grandeur  of  suppressing  the  strongest  passions 
and  affections  of  the  heart  and  obeying  without  a mur- 
mur the  dictates  of  duty,  will  always  move  the  Japan- 
ese, to  the  point  of  causing  them  to  shed  tears,  even 
when  the  conflict  is  presented  only  in  poetry  or  on  the 
stage.  This  great  ethical  force,  though  focused  upon 
loyalty  to  a superior,  might  in  time  come  to  form  a 
strong  substructure  for  broader  moral  sentiments  and 
enthusiasms.  The  problem  of  developing  it  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  comprise  the  social  relations  between  man 
and  man,  and  to  bring  these  powerful  ideas  of  duty  and 
justice  to  bear  upon  the  ordinary  affairs  of  life,  is  what 


294  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Japan  has  set  herself  to  solve,  as  a result  of  the  social 
transformations  during  the  Meiji  era. 

The  official  interpretation,  together  with  the  notion 
of  the  sacredness  of  the  imperial  rescript,  has  led  to  im- 
parting a tone  of  artificiality  to  ethical  teaching,  which 
has  weakened  the  spontaneous  growth  of  ethical  thought 
and  impulse  among  the  Japanese  people.  The  Depart- 
ment of  Education  has  at  times  used  its  power  of  super- 
vision over  higher  instruction  in  a surprising  manner. 
A few  years  ago  it  withdrew  the  license  under  which 
graduates  of  the  Tetsu-Gakkan  College  were  allowed  to 
teach  in  secondary  schools.  This  action  was  taken  be- 
cause the  college  used  Muirhead’s  Ethics,  which  sets 
forth  the  theory  that  man’s  actions  are  either  good  or 
evil  according  to  the  motives  of  the  person  acting;  and 
because  the  teacher  in  charge  of  the  course  had  expressed 
his  view  that  it  was  not  necessary  to  guard  the  passage 
in  the  text-book  from  misinterpretation.  The  action  of 
the  Department  called  forth  a resolution  of  the  Ethical 
Society  ( Teiyu  Rinrikai)  to  the  effect  that  Muirhead’s 
teaching  on  motives  is  not  in  any  way  dangerous  from 
an  ethical  point  of  view. 

A great  variety  of  opinions  has  been  expressed  con- 
cerning the  philosophical  endowment  of  the  Japanese. 
According  to  Aston,  the  Japanese  are  scarcely  capable 
of  high  intellectual  achievement,  yet  others  have  cred- 
ited them  with  special  capacity  for  metaphysics.  Baron 
Suyematsu,  in  a recent  lecture  on  Japanese  character, 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  295 


admits  that  the  Japanese  are  not  gifted  with  high  imag- 
ination. He  contrasts  them  with  the  Hindus,  who  are 
easily  carried  into  superexalted  fantasies;  the  Japanese 
have  no  cosmologies,  no  philosophical  rhapsodies,  such 
as  the  Hindus  have  developed.  They  are  moral  posi- 
tivists. Hearn,  too,  speaks  of  the  Japanese  as  likely  to 
produce  great  haters  of  ideologies,  and  it  is  patent  that 
they  have  not  produced  a distinctive  system  of  philo- 
sophy. Nevertheless  they  have  always  shown  much 
interest  in  philosophical  discussion.  During  the  Toku- 
gawa  regime,  when  Neo-Confucian  philosophers  like 
Shushi  and  Oyomei  were  introduced  into  Japan,  they 
indeed  dominated  Japanese  thought  for  a while,  but 
their  conceptions  were  also  further  developed  and  were 
given  a new  interpretation  by  Japanese  thinkers.  The 
Kogaku-ha  (back  to  antiquity)  school  purified  Confu- 
cian  doctrine  by  rejecting  Buddhist  and  Taoist  admix- 
tures which  had  come  in  during  the  Sung  Dynasty.  The 
members  of  this  school  have  also  pointed  out  the  essen- 
tial positivism  of  Confucian  doctrine,  which  brings  it 
into  accord  with  the  development  of  Western  philosophy 
during  the  latter  part  of  the  nineteenth  century.  Mod- 
3m  Japanese  students  generally  show  great  ease  in 
acquiring  the  abstractions  of  Western  philosophy,  nor 
is  the  Japanese  language,  with  its  Chinese  elements, 
devoid  of  philosophical  expressions  or  unadapted  to  the 
development  of  abstract  thought. 

In  matters  of  philosophy,  Japanese  scholars  have  of 


296  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


late  been  engaged  in  studying  foreign  systems  and 
making  selections  therefrom,  rather  than  in  building  up 
an  indigenous  philosophy  based  entirely  upon  Japanese 
thought.1  As  a result  of  these  eclectic  methods  every 
tendency  of  European  philosophical  thought,  from  the 
transcendentalism  of  Kant  and  Hegel  to  the  positivism 
of  Comte,  is  at  present  represented  among  Japanese 
scholars.  The  evolutionary  philosophy  of  Huxley  and 
Spencer  still  counts  many  adherents  in  Japan,  the  most 
noted  among  whom  is  Baron  Hiroyuki  Kato.  He  had 
originally  written  a book  on  man’s  rights  and  his  place 
in  creation,  which  was  somewhat  Rousseauic  in  tend- 
ency. But  when  the  modern  views  of  evolution  became 
known  to  him,  he  himself  pronounced  judgment  upon 
his  first  book  and  burned  it  at  the  stake.  He  now  applies 
the  doctrine  of  the  survival  of  the  fittest  in  a most 
radical  manner  to  all  departments  of  life  and  thought. 
Doctor  Tetsujiro  Inouye  is  more  of  an  idealist.  Accord- 
ing to  his  view,  evolution,  having  to  do  with  mere  phe- 
nomena, cannot  supply  us  with  an  ethical  standard.  For 
this  we  must  investigate  the  real  being  that  lies  beyond 
phenomena.  Other  idealists  get  their  inspiration  from 

1 The  University  of  Tokyo  has  been  much  attacked  because  of 
its  failure  to  take  the  lead  in  philosophical  construction  and  in 
providing  the  Japanese  nation  with  an  original  system  of  philo- 
sophy. A facetious  critic  describes  the  philosophical  faculty  as 
a telephone  exchange  which  transmits  messages  from  Western 
scholars  to  Japanese  students.  Yet  this  is  nothing  but  the  charge 
of  unoriginality  that  has  so  often  been  made  against  Philosophie- 
professoren  in  Germany  as  elsewhere. 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  297 


Spinoza,  Hegel  and  Greene.  Berkeley,  Locke,  Lotze, 
Schopenhauer,  and  Hartmann  all  have  received  a hearing 
and  have  influenced  the  ideas  of  Japanese  thinkers. 

Such  philosophical  individualism,  which  makes  the 
mind  of  man  the  centre  of  the  universe  and  gives  it  a 
selective  and  creative  autonomy,  is  hardly  in  accord 
with  the  traditions  of  Oriental  thought.  Still  less  so 
would  seem  to  be  the  aristocratic  individualism  of  Ibsen 
and  of  Nietzsche.  Yet  this  unique  German  thinker  and 
literary  artist  has  extended  his  sway  even  to  the  distant 
realms  of  Asia.  This  is  indeed  not  to  be  wondered  at. 
Nietzsche’s  aphoristic  style,  his  assurance,  his  proneness 
to  the  enunciation  of  startling  ideas,  gives  him  a special 
hold  upon  young  minds  impatient  to  get  at  results.  He 
seems  to  proffer  in  a sentence  the  knowledge  which  it 
would  otherwise  take  months  to  acquire.  His  complete 
detachment,  the  manner  in  which  he  leads  men  upon 
mountain  tops  and  shows  them  views  never  seen  before, 
gives  to  his  readers  a sense  of  superiority  which  is 
especially  fascinating  to  the  young  the  world  over. 
Moreover,  there  are  a great  many  assonances  between 
Nietzsche  and  the  code  of  Bushido,  although  he  sees 
ethical  relations  from  an  entirely  different  angle.  As  a 
result,  the  German  Zarathustra  has  become  one  of  the 
most  potent  intellectual  influences  in  contemporary 
Japan.  Even  more  modern  than  Nietzsche,  pragmatism 
is  gaining  votaries  among  Japanese  students  and  schol- 
ars. There  is,  indeed,  a good  deal  of  pragmatism  in  the 


298  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


teachings  of  Oyomei,  whose  ideas  formed  the  chief 
intellectual  influence  in  preparing  the  ground  for  the 
Restoration.  The  subjective  nature  of  truth  also  is  not 
an  entirely  new  idea  to  the  Orientals.  It  is  the  name  and 
the  grouping  of  concepts  in  pragmatism  which  attracts 
rather  than  any  originality  in  philosophical  contents. 

It  would  be  interesting  to  inquire  into  the  relation  of 
social  experience  to  philosophical  reasoning.  Abstract 
thought  presupposes  opportunities  for  social  general- 
ization and  for  taking  a detached  view  of  life.  A feudal 
society,  free  from  self-consciousness,  exuberant  with  the 
joy  of  living  and  the  prowess  of  deeds,  could  not  be 
expected  to  evolve  philosophic  theory,  however  artistic 
and  refined  it  might  be.  But  when  a society  begins  con- 
sciously to  compare  itself  with  others  and  to  see  within 
itself  contrasts  and  competition  between  groups,  it  may 
develop  a philosophy  if  it  has  cultivated  intellectual  in- 
dependence. Thus  the  present  philosophical  uncertainty 
and  confusion  in  Japan  may  be  the  first  stage  of  original 
creation.  Indeed,  some  scholars  like  Doctor  Ryukichi 
Endo  are  already  consciously  endeavoring  to  elaborate 
a new  system  of  ethics  based  upon  Japanese  foundations. 

We  have  already  noted  the  influence  of  the  imperial 
rescript  of  1890  upon  ethical  education.  The  rescript, 
among  other  things,  emphasizes  the  everlasting  char- 
acter of  the  Empire  and  describes  the  imperial  throne  as 
coeval  with  heaven  and  earth.  In  Japanese  legendary 
lore  the  creation  of  the  world  and  the  foundation  of  the 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  299 


Empire  are  closely  connected.  The  almost  religious 
sentiment  of  loyalty  to  the  Imperial  House,  which  is  the 
corner-stone  of  the  Japanese  political  edifice,  draws  its 
inspiration  from  the  belief  in  the  divine  descent  and 
heaven-ordained  reign  of  the  Emperor.  Thus  the  myth- 
ical past  has  been  made,  as  it  were,  a part  of  the  Japan- 
ese Constitution  and  political  system.  To  subject  any 
of  these  traditions  to  scrutiny  by  the  methods  of  his- 
torical science  would  be  looked  upon  as  unorthodox  and 
dangerous  to  the  stability  of  the  Japanese  Government. 
Accordingly  Japanese  historians  generally  have  been 
cautious  and  careful  to  steer  clear  of  such  discussions, 
or  have  accepted  the  legends  without  comment;  and 
historical  scholarship  in  Japan  has  been  obliged  to  im- 
pose upon  itself  certain  limitations.  Now,  it  is  perhaps 
true  that  popular  beliefs  entertained  about  so  remote  a 
period,  on  which  accurate  historical  knowledge  after  all 
is  unattainable,  may  be  left  to  flourish  without  entirely 
depriving  scientific  history  of  its  proper  field  of  opera- 
tion. Nietzsche,  in  his  brilliant  early  essay  upon  the 
uses  of  history,  tries  to  protect  the  legendary  beliefs  of 
society  against  destruction  by  historical  criticism;  in  his 
opinion  critical  research  implies  an  analysis  and  dissec- 
tion which  destroy  vitality  and  which  should,  therefore, 
not  be  applied  to  ideas  that  are  essential  to  life.  Japan- 
ese historical  scholars  may  find  some  consolation  in  this 
point  of  view,  when  they  are  called  upon  to  exercise  self- 
denial.  If  the  limitations  referred  only  to  the  period  of 


300  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


earliest  origins,  they  might  not  be  so  irksome  and  dan- 
gerous; but  there  is  a strong  impulse  in  Japan  to  read  all 
history  from  the  viewpoint  of  political  exigency.  So  the 
dismissal  from  the  University  of  Tokyo  of  Doctor  Kume 
Kunitake  for  holding  unorthodox  views  of  early  history, 
and  attempting  to  exercise  a higher  criticism  in  respect 
of  the  ancient  myths,  was  a distinct  discouragement  to 
historical  scholarship  in  Japan.  The  manner  in  which 
historical  questions  are  apt  to  cause  political  excitement 
in  Japan  is  illustrated  by  the  acrid  controversy  concern- 
ing the  legitimacy  of  the  northern  and  southern  courts  in 
mediaeval  Japan,  which  divided  public  men  in  1910  and 
came  near  to  causing  cabinet  resignations.  Not  long  ago 
a prominent  scholar,  Doctor  N.  Ariga,  made  a plea  be- 
fore the  Asiatic  Association  ( Toa  Kyokai)  in  behalf  of 
the  cultivation  of  Japanese  archaeology.  He  believes 
that  the  field  of  historical  study  has  been  limited  too 
narrowly  and  that  the  early  history  of  Japan  should  be 
studied  according  to  scientific  standards.  It  is  his  opin- 
ion that  questions  of  ethnology  and  origins  should  be 
investigated,  such  as  the  problem  as  to  where  the  plain 
of  Takama-ga-hara,  whence  the  founders  of  Japan  are 
said  to  have  come,  was  located.  But  though  he  advises 
the  scientific  study  of  imperial  archives,  of  traditions 
and  customs,  yet  Doctor  Ariga  is  careful  to  express  no 
dissent  from  such  current  traditions  as  the  view  that  the 
world  was  created  by  Izanagi  and  Izanami.  The  Imper- 
ial University  has,  indeed,  fostered  historical  studies, 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  301 


with  the  result  that  there  has  been  created  a committee 
for  the  compilation  of  materials  for  the  history  of  Japan, 
which  has  already  published  a number  of  historical  doc- 
uments, diaries,  and  other  materials  relating  to  the 
mediaeval  and  modern  era.  But  there  does  not  exist  as 
yet  a complete  scientific  history  of  Japan,  nor  has  there 
been  made  anything  but  a beginning  in  the  study  of 
special  periods.1 

The  temper  of  modem  Japan  may  not  be  entirely 
favorable  to  intensive  historical  studies.  There  is  so 
much  to  achieve  in  the  present,  there  are  so  many  prob- 
lems looming  in  the  future,  that  no  time  or  energy  is  left 
for  delving  into  the  past.  The  highest  appreciation  of 
the  value  of  historic  consciousness  to  national  life  is  not 
found  in  Japan,  and  national  history  seems  so  self- 
evident  and  natural  as  to  excite  no  more  interest  and 
require  no  more  thought  than  is  bestowed  by  an  active 
man  on  pondering  the  course  of  his  own  personal  de- 
velopment. The  Japanese  are  prone  to  confound  history 
with  reminiscence  and  autobiography,  which  engage 
men  only  after  the  more  active  life  is  past.2  The  histor- 

1 Thus  Mr.  Natsume  Soseki  says,  “ To  us  the  past  is  as  if  it  had 
never  existed,  so  intent  are  we  on  the  future.”  This  noted  writer, 
though  speaking  with  admiration  of  his  teacher,  Mr.  Murdoch, 
confesses  that  he  has  never  read  the  latter’s  work  on  Japanese 
history. 

s Full  credit  must,  however,  be  given  for  what  has  been 
achieved  by  such  scholars  as  Tsuboi,  Shiratori,  Hoshino,  Mikami, 
Ukita,  Hagino,  and  by  Asakawa  and  Yamagata  (collaborator  of 
Mr.  Murdoch),  writing  in  English. 


302  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


ical  sense,  indeed,  is  not  entirely  wanting  in  the  Japan- 
ese people;  however,  it  has  so  far  been  developed,  not 
on  its  scientific  or  critical  side,  but  in  connection  with 
romantic  traditions  in  plays  and  stories.  This  romantic 
historical  sentiment  is  a strong  ally  of  the  national 
spirit.  It  gives  the  people  that  consciousness  of  past  life 
and  achievement,  of  historic  purpose,  which  constitutes 
national  personality  and  character.  The  experience  of 
modem  Germany  has  been  repeated  in  Japan,  and  the 
glories  of  a mediaeval  state,  living  again  in  romantic 
imagination,  have  become  a strong  factor  in  national- 
ism. But  modem  civilization  demands  a deepening  of 
the  historical  sense  on  the  critical  side. 

In  dealing  with  intellectual  and  particularly  with  lit- 
erary life,  it  is  important  to  give  some  attention  to  the 
mode  of  expression,  which,  in  the  case  of  the  Japanese 
language,  is  peculiarly  complex  and  variegated.1  In  the 
literary  medium  of  Japan  there  is  a great  distinction 
between  classical  Japanese  and  the  colloquial  style.  The 
classical  Japanese  is  further  differentiated  according  to 
the  extent  to  which  it  employs  Chinese  terms  or  follows 
Chinese  precedent  in  diction  and  construction.  The 

1 A report  of  a recent  law  examination  for  judgeships  gives  some 
idea  of  the  great  variety  of  styles  in  popular  use.  Some  of  the  men 
adopted  a rather  cursory  lecture  note  phrasing,  others  followed 
the  ancient  classical  Japanese,  and  still  others  imitated  the  pure 
Chinese  style.  Many  used  a mixture  of  formal  writing  and  col- 
loquial expression.  In  Chinese  there  are  also  a number  of  distinct 
styles  adaptable  to  legal  use  and  inherited  from  various  periods 
of  the  past. 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  303 


Chinese  style  is  used  wherever  dignity  and  precision  are 
required,  as,  for  instance,  in  imperial  rescripts,  official 
ordinances,  formal  addresses,  and  weighty  treatises. 
Formerly  Chinese  was  looked  upon,  much  as  was  Latin 
in  Europe,  as  a social  shibboleth  and  as  the  distinguish- 
ing mark  of  an  educated  man.  Chinese  learning  in  the 
past,  in  Japan  as  in  China  itself,  over-emphasized  the 
importance  of  words.  Words  became  of  greater  conse- 
quence than  the  things  and  ideas  they  stood  for;  and  a 
discussion  in  which  the  origin  of  word-signs  was  ex- 
plained was  held  to  be  satisfactory  from  a philosophical 
point  of  view,  even  though  no  contribution  whatever 
had  been  made  to  a clearer  understanding  of  the  ideas 
involved.  Colloquial  Japanese  is  diffuse  and  full  of  cir- 
cumlocutions. The  absence  of  tenses  and  personal  pro- 
nouns, as  well  as  the  tendency  to  mass  qualifying  words, 
render  this  style  far  from  adequate  for  the  expression  of 
exact  scientific  reasoning.  In  this  respect,  Chinese  ideo- 
graphs have  fulfilled  a useful  function,  as  new  scientific 
conceptions  can  readily  be  expressed  by  the  use  of  Chin- 
ese words;  thus  the  Japanese  language  is  being  supplied 
with  a concise,  technical  vocabulary.  A great  difficulty 
has  arisen,  however,  as  writers  have  adopted  different 
ideographs  to  express  the  same  scientific  notion : confu- 
sion results  and  again  much  energy  is  wasted  in  fruitless 
controversies  concerning  nomenclature.  Accordingly  the 
opinion  is  gaining  strength  that  it  would  after  all  be  bet- 
ter to  form  such  designations  out  of  purely  Japanese 


304  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


linguistic  materials.  When  a scientific  term  dealing  with 
things  to  be  seen  or  otherwise  perceived  by  the  senses  is 
required,  there  is  no  difficulty  in  supplying  an  adequate 
word  by  the  use  of  Chinese  roots.  It  is  different,  however, 
when  a writer  has  to  find  an  equivalent  for  some  word  to 
which  cling  historical  traditions  or  which  has  particular 
social  and  political  implications.  The  translation  of  a 
word  like  “bourgeoisie”  or  “Third  Estate”  would  be  far 
from  easy,  as  no  simple  term  could  carry  within  it  all  the 
concepts  that  have  become  concentrated  in  such  an  ex- 
pression; in  such  cases,  too,  the  use  of  Japanese  descript- 
ive words  might  be  more  satisfactory. 

There  is  at  present  going  on  a very  interesting  amal- 
gamation of  the  colloquial  with  the  classical  style.  The 
semi-colloquial  written  style,  which  combines  the  char- 
acteristics of  the  classical  diction  and  the  spoken  lan- 
guage, has  been  in  use  for  some  time  and  is  known  as 
genibun  itchi.  Ephemeral  literature  is  already  largely 
composed  in  the  latter  style,  while  more  formal  writing 
still  follow  the  classical  precedents.  In  recent  discussions 
of  this  matter,  opinion  seems  to  incline  toward  the  belief 
that,  as  the  semi-colloquial  is  being  used  more  and  more 
by  cultivated  and  well-read  men  like  Koyo  Ozaki,  and  is, 
therefore,  on  the  way  to  become  more  refined  and  to 
develop  its  inherent  power,  this  more  natural  mode  of 
expression  is  certain  to  triumph  as  the  chief  literary 
medium.1  Within  the  last  decade,  it  has  made  rcmark- 

1 Rohan  Koda,  the  noted  novelist,  uses  mainly  the  literary 
language  and  quite  logically  confines  the  colloquial  to  the  dialogue. 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  305 


able  progress  and  already  most  articles  and  periodicals 
are  composed  in  gembun  itchi,  which  is  now  also  called 
kogo-tai,  or  conversational  style.  Moreover  it  has  been 
adopted  as  the  medium  for  literary  expression  by  the 
schools,  so  that  the  entire  younger  generation  is  becom- 
ing accustomed  to  its  use.  It  has  the  disadvantage  of 
being  more  discursive  than  the  classical  style,  but  is  less 
stilted  and  more  pliable  and  expressive  of  the  actual 
sentiments  of  both  writers  and  people.  Consequently  it  is 
also  far  more  readily  understood  by  the  reading  public. 
Some  writers  have  favored  the  return  to  the  gembun 
itchi  style  used  during  the  later  Ashikaga  period,  in  the 
sixteenth  century.  This  style  is  especially  clear  and 
forcible.  It  is  composed  mostly  of  Japanese  words  and 
makes  small  use  of  Chinese  ideographs.  Altogether  a 
good  deal  of  attention  has  been  given  to  questions  of  lan- 
guage in  recent  years,  with  the  result  that  Japan  is  being 
provided  with  a literary  medium  which  has  close  rela- 
tions with  everyday  speech. 

The  improvement  in  the  literary  character  of  collo- 
quial Japanese  has  had  an  important  influence  on  orat- 
ory, or  it  might  be  more  correct  to  say  that  gembun. itchi 
and  oratory  have  developed  side  by  side.  As  long  as 
only  the  stilted  classical  style  had  any  recognized  stand- 
ing, it  was  manifestly  impossible  to  develop  a dignified 
and  at  the  same  time  effective  manner  of  public  speaking. 
Elocution  would,  under  such  conditions,  either  be  too 
ornate  to  be  intelligible  or  too  informal  to  be  impressive. 


306  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Between  these  two  alternatives,  Japanese  oratory  found 
no  place  to  grow,  until  literary  quality  had  been  given  to 
the  colloquial  parlance.  Then  only  did  it  become  possi- 
ble to  develop  a style  of  public  address  which  could,  on 
the  one  hand,  give  dignified  expression  to  matters  of 
weight,  and,  on  the  other,  was  not  so  far  removed  from 
the  ordinary  language  of  men  as  to  become  unintelligi- 
ble, or  at  least  devoid  of  all  capacity  to  move  the  heart  as 
well  as  to  inform  the  understanding. 

It  is  interesting  to  notice  the  influence  of  foreign  lan- 
guages in  Japan.  The  study  of  two  foreign  languages  is 
required  in  the  higher  schools.  This  is  a university  en- 
trance requirement  to  which  there  has  been  considerable 
opposition  on  the  part  of  the  public  and  the  middle 
schools.  The  testimony  is  almost  universal  that  the 
language  acquirements  of  high-school  students  are  very 
meagre  and  that  they  are  able  to  get  only  a smattering 
during  their  courses.  But  it  is  also  urged  that  there  is  a 
far  larger  demand  for  men  who  have  a good  reading 
knowledge  of  some  Western  languages  in  order  to  be  able 
to  interpret  Western  thought  in  Japan,  rather  than  for 
men  who  may  excel  in  carrying  on  a conversation.  It 
is  natural,  therefore,  that  reading  and  translation  should 
be  emphasized  in  the  high-school  courses.  By  a strange 
transfer  of  method,  many  Japanese  teachers  have  fallen 
into  a way  of  having  the  English  translated  literally  into 
Japanese,  reproducing  all  the  words  of  the  original, 
no  matter  how  unimportant  they  may  be  in  Japanese. 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  307 


This  is  the  method  followed  in  the  translation  of  Chin- 
ese books,  but  what  is  perfectly  natural  in  the  one  case 
produces  ludicrous  results  in  the  other.  Half-educated 
Japanese  are  ever  ready  to  parade  their  faulty  English 
in  print;  they  seem  to  underestimate  the  difficulties  of  a 
foreign  language;  and  when  they  have  only  a smattering, 
will  write  newspaper  notices  and  even  articles  without 
having  them  revised  by  some  one  who  really  knows  the 
language.  Every  traveler  in  Japan  brings  back  speci- 
mens of  such  diction,  which,  in  our  country,  have  been  so 
deliciously  imitated  by  “ Hashimura  Togo.”  It  admits  of 
no  doubt,  however,  that  the  study  of  foreign  idioms  has 
exercised  an  important  influence  upon  Japanese  intellect- 
ual life.  The  structure  of  European  languages  is  logical 
and  strict;  the  use  of  personal  pronouns,  tenses,  and 
numbers  gives  the  Japanese  student  training  in  consistent 
thought  and  makes  him  conscious  of  the  logic  of  expres- 
sion in  a manner  not  to  be  derived  from  the  mere  study 
of  his  own  language.  Many  of  the  authors  who  have  a 
good  knowledge  of  English  have  cultivated  in  their 
Japanese  writings  a marked  directness  of  expression  and 
closeness  of  reasoning.  Thus,  for  instance,  the  prose  of 
Soseki  Natsume  or  of  Koyo  Ozaki  in  many  ways  indic- 
ates the  influence  of  English  diction;  they  also  often 
use  English  ideas  as  the  basis  for  new  Chinese  or 
Japanese  compounds;  in  this  way  not  only  does  their 
style  become  concise  and  clear,  but  it  is  constantly  en- 
riched even  by  a stream  of  new  expressions,  which  add 


308  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


to  the  charm  of  novelty  the  advantage  of  expres- 
siveness. 

The  Japanese  have  often  been  described  as  prosaic  and 
lacking  in  imagination.  In  making  an  inquiry  as  to  how 
far  they  really  possess  this  divine  faculty,  it  is  necessary 
that  we  should  distinguish  between  the  different  modes 
in  which  imagination  manifests  itself.  The  constructive 
imagination  which  bodies  forth  before  the  mental  vision 
new  and  original  combinations  of  ideas  wrought  into 
organic  unity,  appears  not  only  in  literature,  philosophy, 
and  the  fine  arts,  but  it  also  guides  and  inspires  the 
scientific  discoverer,  the  constructor  of  cities,  and  the 
general  who  directs  a battle  or  plans  a campaign.  The 
Japanese  may  not  equal  the  Greeks  and  other  more 
modern  Western  nations  in  the  power  to  summon  philo- 
sophical and  poetical  visions,  but  they  have  certainly 
exhibited  the  highest  type  of  constructive  imagination  in 
other  directions.  In  the  Russian  War  they  showed  a 
grasp  of  detail  and  a power  of  combining  and  planning 
which  proved  able  to  cope  with  the  greatest  strategical 
and  tactical  problems  that  have  ever  confronted  man. 
The  extent  of  the  battle  line,  the  variety  and  novelty  of 
the  means  of  destruction,  the  new  conditions  and  unac- 
customed uses  of  each  military  factor  — all  these  were 
wrought  by  the  strategic  imagination  of  a Kodama  into 
a force  of  irresistible  impetus.  Such  a vast  complex  of 
military  details  had  never  before  been  carried  in  a hu- 
man mind.  Nor  could  the  generals  survey  the  scene  from 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  309 


a high  eminence;  at  the  staff  headquarters  they  received 
intelligence  from  all  parts  of  the  battle-field  by  tele- 
phone and  their  orders  flashed  to  the  regiments  and 
corps  by  electricity.  Modern  war,  therefore,  requires  in 
its  generals  the  power  of  imagination  in  a far  higher 
measure  than  did  all  former  situations  of  military  lead- 
ership. In  the  organizations  of  the  banking  and  credit 
system  of  Japan,  her  statesmen  and  financiers  have  shown 
a similar  grasp  and  command  of  intangible  forces.  Nor 
is  the  transformation  of  feudal  loyalty  and  traditional 
authority  into  modern  political  power  a lesser  achieve- 
ment. Indeed  the  Japanese  have  abundantly  demon- 
strated their  powers  of  ideal  construction.  It  would  even 
seem  that  their  imagination  at  times  runs  riot  and  pic- 
tures forth  achievements  that  are  not  in  accord  with  the 
normal  laws  of  human  activity.  Their  mercurial  charac- 
ter renders  them  visionary.  They  may  see  their  nation  as 
the  Lohengrin  of  Asia,  some  bold  individual  may  under- 
take to  create  a new  religion,  or  again  publicists  will 
agitate  a diplomatic  policy  that  rests  on  airy  nothing. 
Yet  this  characteristic  bears  witness  to  the  presence  of  a 
power  of  imagination  which  needs  only  sobering  down 
by  scientific  training  to  make  it  effective  in  durable  con- 
struction. As  the  Japanese  learn  to  understand  more 
and  more  the  reign  of  law  in  nature  and  in  human  affairs, 
the  waywardness  of  their  visionary  nature  will  be  dis- 
ciplined to  more  substantial  uses.  Hearn,  who  observed 
in  the  Japanese  a certain  incapacity  for  abstract  reason- 


310  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 

ing,  looked  forward  to  the  day  when  they  will  produce 
“Napoleons  of  the  practical  applications  of  science.” 

In  the  field  of  fancy,  the  Japanese  are  among  the  first. 
Their  imaginative  life  is  Ariel-like.  It  is  a spirit-world 
full  of  the  unaccountable  moods  of  ghosts  and  fairies, 
yet  with  a charm  and  sweet  reasonableness  all  its  own. 
What  more  awesome  feat  of  the  imagination  than  the 
belief  that  myriads  of  ancestral  ghosts  are  upholding  the 
national  life  and  fighting  its  battles;  that  the  departed 
witness  the  actions  of  to-day,  glory  in  our  triumphs,  are 
saddened  by  our  defeats!  No  metaphor  here,  no  poetical 
fancy  merely,  but  a deep  conviction  of  spirit-life,  on  the 
strength  of  which  statesmen  may  build  policies  and  risk 
the  fortune  of  unequal  war.  And  in  its  lighter  moods,  how 
fanciful  is  this  same  spirit-world,  how  full  of  delicate 
suggestion  and  imagery  all  that  is  related  to  it!  Mirrors 
are  spirit-haunts.  Who  could  ever  forget  the  pathetic 
story,  told  by  Hearn,  of  the  little  maiden  who  held  gen- 
tle converse  with  the  reflection  in  her  silver  mirror,  in  the 
belief  that  it  was  the  face  of  her  departed  mother?  When 
shrines  are  erected  to  the  greater  among  spirits,  it  is  not 
necessary  to  fill  them  with  images  and  altars.  The 
spiritual  pervasion  is  sufficient;  and  to  those  who  look  in 
through  the  latticed  sides,  the  vacant  space  within  is 
filled  with  a presence,  all  the  more  impressive  as  no 
trappings  distract  the  thought  from  the  deep  emotion  of 
spiritual  contact.  All  nature  is  alive  with  the  essence  of 
past  generations.  The  spirits  of  the  drowned  move  with 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  311 


the  waters  forever,  and  there  are  lord-spirits  of  moun- 
tain, river,  and  of  the  soil.  The  soil  of  Japan  is  thus  sa- 
cred in  a sense  most  real  and  deeply  felt  by  the  people. 

In  its  lighter  moods,  fancy  is  present  everywhere  — in 
the  turn  of  expression,  in  the  interpretation  of  feeling, 
in  the  description  of  common  things.  The  Japanese  are 
quick  to  discover  the  romantic  in  the  ordinary,  to  catch 
unobvious  analogies;  they  see  existence  with  the  eyes  of 
humor  and  fancy.  Oni,  the  goblins,  and  sennin,  the 
fairies,  give  their  names  to  plants  and  insects.  A snowy 
landscape  is  spoken  of  as  “a  silver  world.”  As  in  their 
paintings  and  color  prints,  the  Japanese  interpret  the 
beauty  of  snow  in  an  unrivaled  manner,  so  also  have  they 
expressed  its  poetry  in  spoken  words,  as  in  the  stanza 
written  by  a woman  poet  back  in  the  eleventh  century : — 

“ To  my  lover 
I thought  to  show  them, 

The  sweet  plum  blossoms. 

Now  snow  is  falling  fast, 

Blossoms  and  snow  are  one.” 

A like  mood  is  portrayed  in  the  following  poem,  trans- 
lated by  Sir  Edwin  Arnold : — 

“She  hid  his  coat; 

She  plucked  his  sleeve. 

‘To-day  you  cannot  go; 

To-day  at  least  you  will  not  leave 
The  heart  that  loves  you  so.’ 

The  window  ( mado ) she  undid 
And  back  the  panel  ( shoji ) slid, 

And  clinging,  cried,  ‘Dear  Lord,  perceive, 

The  whole  white  world  is  snow.’  ” 


312  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Traditionally,  poetic  expression  in  Japan  has  been  con- 
fined to  the  light  lyrical  touches  of  the  tanka  and  hailcai. 
These  graceful  and  delicate  sketches  give  mere  sugges- 
tions to  the  mind,  which  imagination  will  expand  into  a 
more  complete  picture. 

“ Morning  glories  hold 
Bucket  at  well. 

I beg  for  water.” 

This  may  suggest  a garden  well  overgrown  with 
flowers  in  such  profusion  that  water  cannot  be  drawn 
without  tearing  away  some  of  the  blossoms.  So  the  con- 
siderate maiden  must  go  to  the  neighbors  to  ask  for 
water.  Such  poetry  does  not  stifle  the  imagination;  it  is 
a stimulus  at  the  touch  of  which  a fertile  native  fancy 
unfolds  its  powers.  No  two  men  would  translate  these 
little  Japanese  poems  alike,  because  each  would  receive 
from  them  a different  imaginative  impulse;  but  all 
would  equally  delight  in  the  subtly  sweet  music  of  the 
verse. 

Epic  and  narrative  poetry,  with  the  exception  of  bal- 
lads, did  not  exist  in  Japan,  nor  any  poetry  of  extensive 
form,  except  the  solemn  and  august  hymns  chanted  in 
Buddhist  and  Shinto  worship.  Some  of  these  are  deeply 
effective  in  their  stately  cadence  and  the  images  shad- 
owed forth  in  their  language.  But  poetry  in  Japan  has 
never  risen  to  that  height  and  that  importance  as  an 
element  in  civilization  which  the  Western  Muse  achieved 
through  Homer,  Virgil,  Dante,  Shakespeare,  and  Goethe. 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  313 


Of  late,  in  the  whirl  of  modern  change,  Japanese  literary 
men  have  had  little  time  to  dream  new  visions  of  poetic 
beauty.  Still  some  efforts  have  been  made  to  develop 
poetic  expression.  In  1882,  three  authors  published 
jointly  a book  on  the  “Poetry  of  the  New  Form”  ( Shin - 
taishi  Shu),  in  an  attempt  to  break  down  the  strict 
formal  requirements  of  older  Japanese  poetry,  and  to 
introduce  a greater  freedom  of  movement  and  diversity 
of  character.  Many  experiments  have  been  made.  Some 
writers  have  produced  longer  poems,  divided  into  stanzas. 
Others  have  experimented  with  rhyme,  but  it  is  so  un- 
adapted to  Japanese  diction  that  the  syllabic  cadence 
had  ultimately  to  be  retained.  All  the  innovators  favor 
the  free  use  of  Chinese  words,  which  is  not  admissible 
under  the  traditional  rules  of  poetry  in  Japan.  The  Jap- 
anese seem  to  have  the  same  feeling  toward  Chinese 
words  that  we  hold  toward  Latin  derivatives.  These  ap- 
peal to  the  intellect  and,  naturally,  well  express  logical 
operations;  but  of  the  feelings  of  the  heart  we  do  not  like 
to  speak  in  other  than  the  words  that  have  for  ages  been 
the  mother-tongue. 

Among  the  poets  who  have  won  special  renown  in 
breaking  away  from  the  older  forms  of  Japanese  versifi- 
cation, and  following  original  methods  of  poetic  diction, 
are  Toson  Shimazaki,  the  novelist,  andBansui  Doi.  In 
their  poems  they  have  allowed  themselves  a great  lati- 
tude of  expression,  using  many  Chinese  elements  and 
modeling  the  products  of  their  mind  upon  European  art. 


314  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


The  traditional  forms  of  Japanese  prosody  have  also 
been  developed  in  new  directions.  Thus  the  melody  of 
the  haikai  has  been  infused  with  fresh  grace  by  Shiki 
Masaoka.  Greater  flexibility  and  range  of  subject- 
matter  has  been  imparted  to  the  uta,  a form  of  verse 
which  is  appropriate  to  the  expression  of  elevated 
thought  and  dignified  images.  The  uta  has  been  used 
with  great  art  by  the  Emperor  himself ; his  productions 
are  delicate  and  thoughtful,  and  they  have  been  ac- 
corded far  more  than  a mere  sucds  d’estime.  There 
is  also  a woman  poet,  Altirako  Yosano,  who  possesses 
a veritable  genius  for  this  kind  of  poetic  expression. 
Kainan  Mori,  a professor  at  the  University  of  Tokyo, 
who  was  a close  friend  and  confidant  of  Prince  Ito 
during  the  latter  half  of  that  statesman’s  career,  has 
the  reputation  of  being  the  greatest  expert  in  Chinese 
poetry. 

It  is  in  connection  with  the  drama  that  the  power  of 
Japanese  imagination  especially  reveals  itself.  In  our 
Western  opera  we  let  fancy  rule  and  do  not  strive  to 
reconcile  the  behavior  of  the  beings  on  the  stage  with 
logical  thought.  But  for  a pure  dreamland  of  historical 
romance  and  fairy  frolic,  we  must  go  to  the  Japanese 
theatre.  The  older  drama  of  Japan  was  poetical  in  con- 
cept and  form.  It  still  survives  in  the  No  plays,  which 
are  performed  privately  at  court  festivals  and  other 
pretentious  entertainments.  It  is  here  that  the  splendor 
of  feudal  Japan  unfolds  itself  in  all  its  gorgeousness,  as 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  315 


Heredia  has  pictured  it  for  us  in  his  brilliant  sonnet.1 
The  resplendent  procession  moves  across  the  stage  to  the 
sound  of  Old-World  music,  and  to  the  accompaniment  of 
classical  dancing.  Here  all  the  traditions  of  mediaeval 
art  are  still  alive.  But  the  diction  of  the  drama  is  in 
classical  style  so  remote  from  the  present  vernacular 
that  not  even  educated  Japanese  can  follow  the  lan- 
guage of  the  play.  It  is  scarcely  more  intelligible  to 
the  audience  than  is  the  Greek  of  iEschylus  to  an  Ameri- 
can play-goer. 

The  more  popular  drama  has  hitherto  occupied  but  a 
modest  position.  Play-acting  was  formerly  looked  down 
upon  by  people  of  social  standing;  actors  were  despised 
as  outcasts,  and  ordinary  plays  were  considered  amusing 
only  to  the  rabble.  Yet  gradually  the  drama  was  devel- 
oped into  an  acknowledged  institution  in  national  life. 
It  is  in  a sense  an  outgrowth  and  vulgarization  of  the  No 
drama,  and  its  material  is  chiefly  historical;  the  stirring 
life  of  old  feudal  Japan  — of  the  Daimios,  the  Samurai, 
and  their  attendants  — in  all  its  brilliant  coloring  is  un- 
furled before  the  large  audiences  of  the  popular  theatre. 

1 “ Swords  at  his  sides  comes  he, 

Deep  scarlet  in  dark  armor;  and  with 
Great  Blazons  on  his  shoulders,  feared  in  war. 

Like  huge  crustacean,  shining  black  and  red, 

Lacquer,  silk,  and  bronze  from  feet  to  head. 

Glittering  and  brilliant  is  this  loved  one. 

He  sees  her  — smiles  beneath  his  bearded  masque, 

And  as  he  hastens,  glitter  in  the  sun 
The  gold  antennae  trembling  on  his  casque.” 


316  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Turning  aside  from  the  cares  of  business,  the  din  of  ma- 
chinery, and  the  street  turmoil  of  modern  Japan,  the 
people  here  enter  the  portals  of  the  romantic  past  and 
steep  themselves  in  the  traditional  ideals  and  aspirations 
of  their  race.  Modern  life  impresses  both  playwright  and 
theatre-goer  as  essentially  unromantic;  accordingly  the 
art  of  the  Japanese  theatre  has  not  yet  become  realistic 
in  structure  and  ideas:  it  still  aims  at  edification  rather 
than  illusion.  Nevertheless,  in  the  portrayal  of  nature 
the  most  realistic  effects  are  achieved.  The  waterfalls 
and  snowstorms  of  the  Japanese  stage,  produced  though 
they  are  by  the  simplest  means,  would  be  the  despair  of 
the  Western  stage  manager.  There  is  thus  a strange 
combination  of  realistic  detail  with  a dramatic  structure 
that  makes  great  demands  upon  the  imagination.  The 
theatres  harbor  large  audiences,  being  often  provided 
with  seats  for  as  many  as  four  thousand  people.  As  a 
play  lasts  for  at  least  ten  hours,  people  make  themselves 
thoroughly  at  home  in  their  boxes,  order  food  or  eat  that 
which  they  have  brought  with  them,  and  even  change 
the  outer  layers  of  their  clothing.  The  acting  itself  does 
not  aim  at  realism;  and  as  the  plays  are  accompanied 
with  music,  the  actors  are  obliged  to  raise  their  voices  to 
a shrill,  unnatural  pitch.  Until  very  recently  women 
actresses  did  not  appear  before  men;  actors  took  wo- 
men’s parts,  but  their  imitations  were  far  from  realistic.1 

1 Although  these  actors  are  much  admired  by  women,  and  imi- 
tated not  a little  in  their  manner  of  address  and  outward  appear- 
ance. 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  317 


It  is  said  that  in  the  women’s  special  theatres,  where  only 
women  act,  men’s  parts  are  quite  admirably  presented. 
Geisha  appear  in  all  the  plays,  but  their  performances 
are  limited  to  incidental  dancing.  The  furnishings  of  a 
theatre  recall,  in  their  simplicity,  the  days  of  Shake- 
speare. Footlights  are  often  provided  by  a row  of  men 
who  hold  up  paper  lanterns  on  fish-poles. 

In  addition  to  the  historical  plays,  which  are  most 
popular,  there  are  also  performed  fairy  plays  in  which 
fire-spitting  dragons,  talking  animals,  and  bold  robber 
chiefs  disport  themselves  somewhat  after  the  fashion  of 
the  spectacular  light  opera  in  the  West.  Another  variety 
of  plays,  called  Oiyemono,  deal  with  the  affairs  of  some 
illustrious  family  and  usually  portray  troubles  between 
several  of  its  members;  or  again  the  plots  centre  around 
geisha  love,  the  only  form  of  the  romantic  passion  which 
received  representation  on  the  old  Japanese  stage.  The 
ideas  which  are  held  in  the  Orient  concerning  the  rela- 
tions between  the  sexes  are  so  different  from  our  own 
that  the  leit-motif  of  neither  our  novel  nor  our  drama 
could  be  appreciated  by  the  Japanese.  This  partly  ac- 
counts for  the  difficulty  of  introducing  the  Western 
drama  into  Japan.1 

1 A Japanese,  after  seeing  Julius  Caesar  performed  in  London, 
wrote  as  follows:  “Portia  spoke  to  Brutus  in  far  too  familiar  a 
manner,  actually  putting  her  face  near  that  of  her  husband’s  and 
placing  her  arms  around  him  — liberties  that  no  Japanese  wife 
would  dream  of  taking  with  her  lord.  The  Japanese  wife  who  saw 
this  performed  would  at  once  say,  ‘This  is  too  geisha-like.’”  An 
unconscious  self-criticism  of  Japanese  social  life! 


318  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


That  the  national  drama  of  Japan  will  develop  along 
new  lines  is  certain.  Much  that  amused  in  the  old  thea- 
tre is  already  becoming  wearisome,  and  there  is  a strong 
demand  for  a drama  that  will  really  hold  the  mirror  up 
to  Japanese  life.  As  the  diction  of  the  traditional  plays 
is  not  at  all  intelligible  and  action  reduces  itself  to  pan- 
tomime, the  demand  is  becoming  strong  that  the  lan- 
guage of  the  stage  should  correspond  to  the  spoken 
idiom.  Dramas  have  been  composed  in  accordance  with 
these  ideas  by  prominent  writers  such  as  Tsubouchi, 
Yamazaki,  and  Sano.  Tsubouchi’s  plays  (for  instance, 
Maki-no-kata ) are  melodramatic,  but  contain  forcible 
scenes  and  are  notably  free  from  the  mannerisms  and  ex- 
travagances of  the  older  drama.  Some  use  has  recently 
been  made  of  novels  as  the  basis  for  plays,  but  the  dra- 
matic sense  of  the  Japanese  is  too  keen  to  submit  to  such 
a practice.  They  demand  truly  dramatic  situations,  and 
the  story  of  a novel,  developed  through  dialogue,  is  not 
sufficient  to  satisfy  them.  As  the  life  of  modern  Japan 
comes  upon  the  stage,  its  dramatic  features  will  claim 
attention,  rather  than  the  psychological  analysis  con- 
tained in  the  dialogues  of  a novel. 

The  Japanese  national  theatre  has  maintained  itself 
and  has,  indeed,  developed  considerably  during  the  Meiji 
era.  Some  actors,  like  Danjuro,  have  achieved  national 
reputation,  and  have  been  given  social  honors  which 
formerly  would  not  have  been  accorded  to  any  profes- 
sional players.  Recently  the  daughters  of  Danjuro  were 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  319 


even  advised  by  a prime  minister  himself  to  go  upon  the 
stage;  and,  entirely  contrary  to  Japanese  traditions,  a 
dramatic  school  for  women  has  been  founded  at  Tokyo. 
The  graduates  of  it  are  to  replace  the  actors  who  have 
hitherto  taken  female  parts.  In  order  to  place  the 
drama  on  a high  social  footing,  only  women  of  education 
who  come  from  good  families  are  admitted  to  this 
school.  The  actors,  Kawakami  and  Madame  Sada 
Yacco,  have  been  of  late  the  most  ardent  supporters  of 
improvement  in  the  Japanese  theatre,  as  well  as  the 
strongest  exponents  of  Western  dramatic  art,  both  in  its 
classic  and  realistic  form.  Their  exertions  have  met 
with  great  applause;  and  through  encouragement  of 
wealthy  citizens  of  Tokyo,  they  have  been  enabled  to 
build  a new  playhouse,  sumptuous  in  its  appointments 
and  fashioned  upon  European  models.  The  only  Japan- 
ese feature  preserved  in  the  architecture  of  this  house  is 
the  flower  path  ( hanamichi ),  the  elevated  passageway 
by  which  actors  pass  from  the  rear  of  the  auditorium  to 
the  stage  in  full  view  of  the  audience.  The  principal  aim 
in  founding  this  new  Imperial  Theatre  ( Teikoku-za ) was 
to  have  a dignified  house,  where,  in  addition  to  the  plays 
of  Japan,  the  European  drama  might  be  presented.  A 
new  channel  is  thus  opened  through  which  the  art  of  the 
West  may  exercise  an  influence  upon  that  of  Japan.  But 
the  success  of  the  experiment  is  still  problematical,  as  it 
depends  upon  the  attitude  which  will  be  assumed  by  the 
intelligent  public  and  literary  men  who  have  thus  far 


320  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


not  been  particularly  inclined  to  admire  the  Western 
drama. 

The  literary  history  of  the  Meiji  era  may  be  divided 
into  two  completed  periods  and  a third  which  has  just 
begun,  being  in  its  development  parallel  to  the  evolution 
of  social  and  ethical  thought  which  has  already  been  al- 
luded to.  The  first  was  the  period  of  the  adoption  of 
European  models,  which  lasted  for  twenty  years,  until 
about  1888.  At  that  time  there  took  place  a sudden 
reaction  against  everything  Western,  a reaction  which, 
in  the  political  world,  led  to  a number  of  assassinations 
and  attacks  upon  statesmen.  The  second  period,  an  era 
of  the  militant  nationalism,  lasted  for  about  fifteen  years, 
and  in  a sense  it  has  not  yet  passed.  Since  the  time  of 
the  transition  from  century  to  century,  national  thought 
has  been  controlled  by  a tendency  called  Nippon  Shugi, 
or  Japonicism.  This  is  a modificaton  of  the  radical  form 
of  nationalism,  inasmuch  as  it  does  not  oppose  entirely 
the  adoption  of  foreign  institutions,  methods,  and  ideas, 
but  insists  upon  giving  them  the  specific  imprint  of  Jap- 
anese nationality.  Thus  if  European  Christianity,  Eu- 
ropean jurisprudence,  European  literary  methods,  are 
to  be  tolerated  at  all,  there  must  be  infused  into  them 
the  essential  characteristics  of  Japanese  civilization. 
During  the  last  decade  a great  many  new  influences  have 
manifested  themselves,  which  have  led  to  an  individual- 
ization of  thought.  Realism  and  naturalism  in  art  have 
given  an  overpowering  impulse  to  individualist  tenden- 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  321 


cies.  The  present  era  in  Japan  is  one  of  universal  search 
and  questioning;  no  theory  is  without  its  votaries,  no 
new  conception  but  is  voiced  with  acclaim  by  ever  hope- 
ful seekers  after  light.  All  this  has  had  a decidedly  un- 
settling effect,  but  the  need  for  positive  beliefs  and  for 
constructive  action  is  strongly  felt,  and  men  are  earn- 
estly casting  about  for  adequate  ideals  and  principles. 

In  fiction,  the  differences  in  method  which  character- 
ize European  literary  work  are  found  also  in  Japan. 
The  Essence  of  Fiction,  a little  work  published  by  Doctor 
Tsuboiichi  in  1885,  had  a profound  influence  in  making 
writing  more  natural  and  observation  more  direct. 
Among  realist  writers,  the  lead  is  attributed  to  Koyo 
Ozaki,  a man  of  wide  culture  and  great  literary  power, 
while  Hasagawa,  who  died  in  1909,  stood  for  naturalism, 
the  later  development  of  the  realistic  tendencies.  On  the 
other  hand,  Rohan  Koda  represents  the  idealists.  His 
work  is  largely  in  the  realm  of  historical  romance,  as,  for 
instance,  Hige-Otoko,  a story  of  the  civil  wars  of  the 
eighteenth  century.  He  is  a master  of  the  classical  style, 
which  he  interweaves  with  colloquial  forms.  His  de- 
scriptions are  poetical,  but  the  movement  of  his  stories 
is  slow  and  his  discussions  drag  somewhat.  Another 
idealist,  Fumio  Yano,  gained  surprising  success,  espe- 
cially with  his  story,  Keikoku  Bidan,  which  dealt  with 
life  in  Thebes  at  the  time  of  Epaminondas.  This  his- 
torical novel  sold  in  such  quantities  as  to  enable  the 
author  to  buy  himself  a house  and  to  take  a trip  to 


322  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Europe,  — a return  most  unusual  in  the  annals  of  Jap- 
anese literature.  Doctor  Yuzo  Tsuboiichi,  who  in  his 
Essence  of  Fiction  denounced  the  artificial  style  and 
morality  of  Bakin,  has  himself  produced  a number  of 
novels  which  contain  graphic  sketches,  though  they  are 
not  notable  from  the  point  of  view  of  plot  or  portrayal 
of  character.  We  could  hardly  expect  vivid  or  searching 
delineations  of  special  types  from  Japanese  novelists, 
who  are  just  beginning  to  train  themselves  in  the  careful 
observation  of  individual  traits.  The  manner  of  psycho- 
logical analysis,  which  with  us  is  illustrated  by  George 
Meredith  and  Henry  James,  is  being  cultivated  by  a 
school  of  writers  who  are  known  by  the  name  of  Futdba- 
Kai.  The  principal  among  these  is  Soseki  Natsume 
(Kinnosuke).  Mr.  Natsume  is  a thorough  student  of 
English  literature  and  has,  also,  a good  command  of 
Chinese.  This  training  has  enabled  him  to  enrich  the 
Japanese  language  with  many  concepts  and  terms  deal- 
ing with  social  and  individual  psychology.  Another  im- 
portant element  in  his  training  as  a writer  is  his  practice 
in  the  composition  of  haikai,  which  has  given  marked 
terseness  and  nervousness  to  his  style.  Like  the  writings 
of  his  American  compeer,  the  novels  of  Natsume  are 
caviar  to  many.  His  disquisitions  on  mental  philosophy 
are  understood  with  difficulty  by  the  ordinary  reader, 
who  prefers  small  talk  and  easy  gossip  to  a psychological 
criticism  of  the  follies  and  weaknesses  of  mankind.  Nat- 
sume has  special  regard  for  the  fiction  of  English-spcak- 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  323 


ing  nations,  and  less  sympathy  for  the  productions  of 
France  and  Russia.  But  while  not  a follower  of  the 
naturalist  school  and  its  Russians  models,  he  is  far  from 
being  an  active  opponent,  but  says  good-naturedly  that 
he  writes  only  for  indolent  people  who  do  not  care  for 
violent  shocks.  The  romanticist  tendency  was  most 
strongly  represented  by  Takayama,  who  has  already 
been  mentioned  as  the  leader  of  the  Japonicist  move- 
ment. A young  woman,  Ichyo  Higuchi,who  died  in  1898 
at  the  age  of  twenty-five,  won  wide  reputation  through 
her  romances,  which  are  still  very  popular  among  Japan- 
ese readers.  Her  works  are  chiefly  love-stories  which 
are  developed  in  a setting  of  Tokyo  city  life. 

The  school  which  is  at  the  present  time  clearly  in  the 
ascendent  is  that  known  as  naturalism.  It  draws  its  in- 
spiration chiefly  from  Russian  and  French  writers.1 
Kunikida  introduced  through  translations  the  novels  of 
Turgenieff,  Dostoievski,  and  Gorki  into  Japan;  Flaubert 
and  Maupassant  are  also  prominent  among  the  models 
of  this  school.  Perhaps  the  most  noted  author  of  this 
group  is  Hasagawa,  who  died  in  1909.  He  also  trans- 
lated Russian  books,  but  is  of  greater  importance 
through  the  manner  in  which  he  introduced  the  collo- 
quial gembun  itchi  into  literature. 

It  is  natural  that  these  writers  should  have  attempted 
to  elevate  the  colloquial  dialect  to  literary  uses;  but 

1 There  is  even  published  a magazine,  The  Russia  Bungaku, 
which  is  devoted  entirely  to  Russian  literature. 


324  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Hasagawa  first  showed  the  way  in  which  this  could  be 
done  in  an  effective  and  dignified  manner.  It  is  already 
apparent  that  the  study  of  the  great  European  models 
of  realism  has  had  an  intensely  stimulating  effect  upon 
literary  effort  in  Japan.  There  is  among  literary  men  a 
distinct  revulsion  against  purpose  novels  and  other  pro- 
ductions of  the  conventional  type.  They  have  begun  to 
see  in  the  accurate  portrayal  of  the  life  about  them  in 
all  its  moods  and  phases  the  true  field  of  literary  art. 
Advance  has  also  been  made  in  improving  the  structure 
and  movement  of  novels;  they  have  gained  in  complex- 
ity, but  also  in  directness.  It  is  not  only  in  the  produc- 
tion of  longer  novels  that  the  present  litterateurs  excel, 
but  they,  in  many  cases,  rival  the  European  models  in  a 
masterly  treatment  of  short-story  themes.  At  the  pre- 
sent time  the  fiction  writers  of  Japan  who  may  be  con- 
sidered men  of  achievement,  or  at  least  of  high  promise, 
are  numbered  by  scores.  It  would  be  difficult  to  make  a 
selection  that  would  be  just  to  all;  suffice  it,  therefore, 
to  indicate  a few  who,  in  addition  to  the  writers  already 
mentioned,  have  gained  special  prominence.  Work  of 
deep  psychological  insight  has  been  produced  by  Toson 
Shimazaki,  who,  in  books  like  Ie,  practices  a most  del- 
icate analysis  of  mental  states.  Mori  Ogwai,  in  Seinen 
(“Young  Men”),  and  Homci  Iwano,  in  Horo  (“The 
Surging  Wave”),  have  recently  furnished  notable  con- 
tributions to  literary  expression.  The  last-named  author 
is  perhaps  the  most  Zolaesque  of  the  Japanese  novelists, 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  325 


and,  indeed,  he  almost  outdoes  the  French  master  in  the 
brutal  directness  of  his  realistic  descriptions.  Kwatai 
Tayama  excels  in  short  stories  in  which  he  deals  with 
complex  phases  of  character  and  striking  situations  in 
contemporary  social  life.  The  atmosphere  of  these  lit- 
erary works  is  usually  sad  even  to  pessimism;  they  pre- 
sent rather  sombre  views  of  human  destiny.  But  occa- 
sionally an  author  like  Kafu  Nagai  comes  forward  with 
a more  brilliantly  colored  picture  of  contemporary  life, 
instinct  with  the  wondrous  animation  of  Oriental  im- 
agery. With  all  this  activity,  performances  may  be 
expected  of  Japanese  fiction  which  will  soon  arrest  the 
attention  of  our  own  literary  world.  The  keenness  of 
vision  and  sureness  of  touch  and  the  remarkable  power 
of  selection,  which  constitute  the  supreme  merits  of 
Japanese  pictorial  art,  are  now  being  manifested  also  in 
literary  expression.  All  these  writers  take  their  subjects 
exclusively  from  Japanese  life,  which  they  seek  to  por- 
tray with  all  its  local  color,  drawing  away  from  the 
established  Tokyo  characteristics  and  other  conven- 
tional methods  in  fiction.  The  romantic  hero  of  the 
earlier  novels  finds  no  admission  to  these  pages,  which 
deal  rather  with  gloomy,  tired,  and  despondent  individ- 
uals, and  touch  preferably  upon  the  serious  problems  of 
life.  These  writers  do  not  aim  at  a high  finish  in  style 
according  to  the  older  standards ; but  the  earlier  stylists 
certainly  seem  shallow  in  the  substance  of  their  work  in 
comparison  with  these  vigorous  book-wrights. 


326  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Mr.  Rohan  Koda  has  recently  pronounced  himself 
upon  current  tendencies  in  Japanese  fiction.  He  depre- 
cates the  loose  methods  of  modern  writers  who,  instead 
of  polishing  their  style  and  putting  a deep  meaning  into 
their  language,  write  in  a superficial  manner  so  as  to  be 
intelligible  at  a glance.  He  believes  that  the  lovers  of 
really  good  literature  have  become  less  numerous.  He 
is  especially  out  of  sympathy  with  the  tendency  to  por- 
tray the  deformed  and  abnormal.  As  the  ordinary  phe- 
nomena of  social  life  are  not  interesting  enough  to  some 
novelists,  they  exploit  the  things  which  cause  surprise 
or  disgust.  Answering  these  strictures  of  Koda,  another 
writer  admits  that  modern  novels  deal  mostly  with 
men  or  women  who  are  in  some  way  unbalanced  — at 
least,  nervous  and  hysterical;  yet  he  takes  comfort  in 
the  thought  that  the  writers  of  these  stories  may  be 
about  to  fathom  the  deeper  problems  of  human  nature 
and  that  the  study  of  the  abnormal  may  yield  import- 
ant results.  He  adds:  “We  who  belong  to  a new  era 
should  go  wherever  men  go  and  see  all  that  can  be  seen.” 
Many  of  the  better  class  of  novelists  look  upon  them- 
selves as  public  educators,  and  attempt  to  inculcate 
ideals  of  devotion  and  duty  by  the  examples  which  they 
depict  in  their  novels.  Yet  there  is  also  a large  class  of 
popular  fiction  which  for  its  interest  relies  entirely  upon 
illicit  and  vulgar  relations. 

As  already  indicated,  the  indirect  influence  of  foreign 
literature  and  languages  has  been  very  potent  in  Japan. 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  327 


Foreign  models  have  been  consciously  imitated,  al- 
though — as  in  the  case  of  the  drama  — there  is  always 
a barrier  to  the  full  appreciation  of  Western  art  in  fic- 
tion in  the  different  attitude  of  the  two  civilizations 
towards  the  problem  of  sex  and  of  character  development. 
The  triumphs  and  defeats  of  a Becky  Sharp,  the  simple 
life  of  Silas  Marner,  the  tragedy  of  Tess,  all  these  are  so 
deeply  founded  in  our  social  experience,  that  they  bear 
but  little  meaning  to  the  Japanese.  It  is,  therefore,  nat- 
ural that  when  drawing  upon  Western  literature  in  trans- 
lation, they  should  choose  stories  of  adventure,  even  cheap 
detective  yarns,  in  preference  to  those  writings  which  we 
consider  masterpieces.  It  is  amusing  to  reflect  that  the 
first  English  novel  which  had  the  honor  of  being  trans- 
lated into  Japanese  was  Lord  Lyt ton’s  Ernest  MaUr avers, 
than  which  a weaker,  more  inane  or  more  artificial  spe- 
cimen of  novel  writing  could  scarcely  be  found  among 
books  of  standing  in  English.  Yet  it  is  on  the  basis  of 
this  that  many  Japanese  formed  their  opinion  of  West- 
ern fiction.  It  is,  however,  just  to  say  that  there  are 
also  very  discriminating  readers  in  Japan  whose  valua- 
tion of  our  literary  work  does  not  differ  materially  from 
our  own  standards.  Among  writers  whose  books  have 
found  special  favor  are  not  only  Rider  Haggard,  Jules 
Verne,  Anthony  Hope,  Conan  Doyle,  and  Max  O’Rell, 
for  the  lighter  class,  but  also  Dumas,  Cervantes,  Zola, 
Hugo,  and  Goethe.  The  genius  of  the  latter  is  valued 
far  more  highly  than  that  of  Schiller,  and  in  general  it 


328  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


may  be  said  that  what  has  been  called  the  silver-lined 
school,  including  poets  like  Schiller  and  Longfellow,  is 
not  much  regarded  in  Japan.  Both  Scott  and  Shelley 
are  popular  poets,  but  Byron  especially  enjoys  a strong 
vogue  among  young  men.  Among  English  novelists, 
none  is  more  widely  read  in  Japan  than  Dickens. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  the  connection  of  authorship 
with  local  influence.  Thus  far  the  influence  of  the 
national  capital  has  been  all-important  in  Japanese  lit- 
erature. The  life  of  Tokyo  has  a milieu  all  its  own. 
During  the  Tokugawa  Shogunate,  it  was  the  centre  of 
feudal  life,  where  congregated  the  daimios  with  their 
retainers.  A type  of  character  was  developed  which  dif- 
fers even  more  from  that  of  the  Japanese  in  general  than 
metropolitan  character  is  ordinarily  distinguished  from 
the  national  life  about  it.  The  Tokyo  townsmen,  the 
Edokko,  are  popularly  described  as  persons  boastful  in 
speech,  presumptuous  and  quarrelsome  in  behavior,  and 
improvident  in  the  expenditure  of  money.  These  char- 
acteristics of  the  Edokko  are  explained  as  an  imitation 
of  the  manners  of  the  professional  warrior  class  of  feudal 
days,  among  whom  swashbucklers  were  not  uncommon. 
These  military  men  insisted  upon  cringing  servility  on 
the  part  of  the  lower  orders.  They  hardened  themselves 
by  partaking  of  unsavory  dishes,  such  as  chopped  salted 
worms,  centipede  soup,  and  pickled  frogs.  In  summer, 
they  would  sit  in  heated  rooms,  while  in  winter  they 
exposed  themselves  to  cold.  They  affected  shortness  of 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  329 


speech,  abbreviating  words  and  speaking  in  curt  phrases 
resembling  the  Schneidigkeit  of  German  officers.  The 
lower  orders,  forced  into  a position  of  crouching  obse- 
quiousness, were  nevertheless  eager  to  pick  up  the  man- 
ner of  the  superior  beings.  Native  critics  of  Tokyo  life 
further  portray  the  populace  as  superficial,  devoted  to  a 
shallow  optimism,  prone  to  conceal  its  real  feeling,  given 
to  fickleness  and  levity,  and  deficient  in  stability  of 
purpose. 

Exaggerated  though  these  characteristics  undoubt- 
edly are  by  novelists,  for  literary  effect,  their  portrayal 
yet  gives  the  dominant  note  to  recent  Japanese  fiction. 
In  Tokyo,  light  literature  finds  its  source  and  centre. 
The  scenes  of  novels  are  laid  there  and  the  language  em- 
ployed is  the  Tokyo  colloquial.  But  it  cannot  be  said 
that  there  has  been  produced  a literature  with  an  effect- 
ive grasp  of  a local  situation,  even  for  the  life  of  Tokyo. 
The  great  importance  of  the  capital  is  the  result  of  the 
centralizing  tendency  through  which  all  Japanese  life 
has  been  unified  and  brought  under  one  system.  Uni- 
formity of  education  and  the  imitation  of  foreign  models 
have  to  a large  extent  neutralized  local  influence.  The 
novels  are  all  cast  in  one  mould;  local  differences  and  the 
perception  of  individual  traits  are  overridden  by  general 
ideas.  The  burden  of  the  classicism  of  a past,  when  men 
were  not  free  to  write  as  they  pleased  but  were  obliged  to 
follow  models  in  a servile  manner,  also  still  weighs  upon 
Japanese  literary  life.  Yet  Yanagawa  feels  encouraged 


330  CURRENTS  IN  THE  EAR  EAST 


to  speak  of  the  “new  and  strong  freshness  which  fills  the 
air  of  our  literary  world.”  Most  recently,  through  the 
efforts  and  observations  of  the  naturalist  school,  Tokyo 
is  coming  to  be  ousted  from  the  position  of  dominance 
which  it  has  occupied,  for  writers  are  beginning  to  study 
their  local  environment  and  to  give  their  novels  more 
individual  character. 

It  is  notable,  in  view  of  what  has  been  said  above  con- 
cerning literary  expression,  that  the  Japanese  neverthe- 
less seem  to  have  a delicate  sense  for  the  effects  produced 
upon  human  character  by  different  localities.  One 
writer  says  that  in  Tokyo  it  is  easy  to  distinguish  be- 
tween men  who  dwell  on  the  hills  and  those  who  live 
below  amid  the  bustle  and  turmoil  of  the  streets: 
“Though  we  may  meet  such  persons  only  casually,  we 
shall  know  from  their  behavior  and  their  language 
where  they  come  from.”  This  is  borne  out  by  our  recol- 
lection of  the  strife  which  arose  between  Confucian 
scholars  who  dwelt  in  the  lower  part  of  the  town  ( Shita - 
Machi ) and  those  who  lived  on  the  heights  {Y ama-no-te) . 
It  has  also  been  observed  that  the  books  composed  in 
the  North  of  Japan  are  more  gloomy  and  serious  than 
those  written  by  Southerners. 

In  the  essay  the  favorite  form  is  biographical.  The 
careers  of  prominent  men  — writers,  politicians,  leaders 
in  industrial  life  — are  a never-failing  subject  of  inter- 
est; foreign  notabilities,  too,  are  included  in  the  reper- 
toire — from  monarchs  and  presidents  to  criminals  and 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  331 


revolutionaries.  The  men  who  attain  the  greatest  repu- 
tation, and  who  are  most  worshiped  by  the  public,  and 
especially  by  the  young,  are,  next  to  successful  generals, 
the  leaders  in  state  affairs.  Parliamentary  life,  though 
as  yet  only  superficial  in  its  political  influence,  has 
nevertheless  made  a striking  impression  upon  the  imag- 
ination of  young  men.  A method  by  which  magazine 
editors  have  of  late  been  trying  to  interest  their  readers 
and  increase  their  circulation  is  in  each  issue  to  dissect 
some  prominent  literary  man.  Concerning  the  victim 
chosen  for  such  distinction,  other  litterateurs  are  inter- 
viewed ; and  their  opinions  on  his  work  and  personality, 
the  quality  of  his  style,  the  points  of  strength  and  weak- 
ness in  his  methods,  are  published  at  length.  This  pro- 
cess of  being  laid  upon  the  operating-table  is  by  no 
means  grateful  to  men  of  sensitive,  retiring  dispositions; 
but  there  is  no  help  for  it,  they  have  to  pay  the  price  of 
notability.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  thus  brought 
before  the  public  much  that  is  of  real  interest.  While  it 
is  unusual  for  prominent  men  of  affairs  to  write  for  Jap- 
anese magazines,  a very  common  way  of  bringing  their 
thought  before  the  public  is  to  have  them  interviewed. 
From  the  standpoint  of  the  subject  of  the  sketch,  there 
is  an  advantage  in  that  the  editor  alone  is  responsible  for 
the  exact  expressions  used,  a specific  statement  to  that 
effect  being  usually  made.  The  Japanese  statesman  is, 
therefore,  under  no  obligations  to  disavow  any  of  the 
ideas  in  an  interview  which  he  may  find  inconvenient. 


332  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Among  recent  essayists,  none  has  won  greater  consid- 
eration than  Shuntei  Toyabe.  This  notable  writer,  who 
died  in  1908,  made  his  style  especially  powerful  through 
an  intimate  knowledge  of  Chinese,  which  enabled  him  to 
use  old  idioms  and  classical  allusions  in  such  a way  as  to 
express  modem  thought  in  an  original  and  striking  man- 
ner. In  his  biographical  essays,  which  were  written  with 
a masterly  hand,  he  always  took  pains  to  give  his  sub- 
ject a historical  and  literary  setting.  In  the  characters 
which  he  studied  and  portrayed,  he  saw  preferably  the 
nobler  side  of  human  nature,  although  he  also  knew  how 
to  deal  critically  with  the  current  action  of  public  men. 
Thus  he  exercised  a great  influence  upon  public  opinion, 
and  it  would  have  been  possible  for  him  to  become  a pow- 
erful factor  in  practical  politics  had  he  so  desired.  As 
an  analyst  of  human  qualities,  he  may  be  compared  to 
Macaulay,  even  in  the  brilliance  of  his  style.  It  is  inter- 
esting to  hear  Toyabe  say,  “The  four  men  whom  I most 
admire  are  Chow  Kung,  Shakespeare,  Emerson,  and 
Carlyle.”  The  deep  meaning  of  Chow,  the  superhuman 
talent  for  character  analysis  displayed  by  Shakespeare, 
and  the  insight  which  distinguish  Carlyle  and  Emerson 
were  what  attracted  him  to  these  men.  Another  essayist 
of  great  reputation  is  Shiga,  a man  trained  in  the  Sap- 
poro Agricultural  College.  Rather  than  seek  inspiration 
in  Western  literature,  as  so  many  other  Japanese 
have  done,  Shiga  has  nourished  his  spirit  through  the 
intimate  study  of  Chinese  poetry.  His  best-known 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  333 


writings  are  essays  on  Japanese  scenery  and  stories  of 
his  travels. 

Among  all  forms  of  literary  expression,  the  newspaper 
press  has  received  the  greatest  impetus  through  the 
changes  introduced  during  the  Meiji  era.  The  Japanese 
are,  in  general,  not  a bookish  people.  There  is  a common 
feeling  that  a wise  man  need  not  read,  and  there  is  little 
real  taste  for  literature  among  the  masses  of  the  popula- 
tion. Books  do  not  play  the  prominent  part  in  Japan  that 
is  accorded  them  in  the  life  of  the  West;  but  on  the  other 
hand,  cheap,  light  fiction  and  newspapers  are  read  a great 
deal,  and  the  public  is  large,  as  nearly  all  Japanese  have 
a reading  knowledge.  Thus  the  press  has  become  a great 
power  in  Japan,  both  for  good  and  for  evil.  And  this, 
even  in  its  infancy,  for  it  is  almost  a creation  of  the 
Meiji  era,  though  even  under  the  Shogunate  news  sheets 
( Yomiuri ) were  given  out.  These,  published  as  occasion 
demanded,  were  printed  from  blocks,  although  move- 
able  letters  had  been  in  use  for  some  centuries,1  and 
were  hawked  about  the  streets  after  any  event  had 
occurred  of  sufficient  note  to  warrant  publication.  A 
description  of  the  deeds  of  the  Forty-seven  Ronin  was 
circulated  about  the  streets  of  Tokyo  within  a few 
hours  after  their  death.  Sometimes  the  imagination 

1 The  scene  in  a modem  Chinese  or  Japanese  printing-office  is 
very  lively.  As  a paper  has  to  use  at  the  very  least  ten  thousand 
different  characters,  the  work  of  the  printer’s  “devil”  calls  for 
great  agility,  as  he  runs  back  and  forth  from  the  type  cases  to  fur- 
nish the  characters  required  by  the  head  compositor. 


334  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


was  drawn  on  and  events  were  reported  before  they  had 
happened. 

Since  the  Restoration,  journals  have  been  established 
in  increasing  numbers  until  they  now  form  a cardinal 
element  in  Japanese  civilization.  Among  the  papers 
which  are  noted  for  their  influence  and  the  excellence  of 
their  subject-matter  are  the  Asahi,  the  Jiji,  the  Nichi- 
Nichi,  the  Hochi,  and  the  Kokumin.  These  journals 
compare  favorably  with  the  press  of  other  nations,  al- 
though in  general  their  foreign  news  service  is  rather 
meagre,  since  regular  correspondents  are  maintained 
only  in  China  and  in  two  or  three  of  the  most  important 
Western  capitals.  Formerly  there  existed  a great  many 
publications  of  doubtful  respectability  which  were  taken 
up  largely  with  personal  notes  and  scandal.  The  number 
of  these  absolutely  “yellow”  journals  has  been  greatly 
reduced  of  late  through  the  centralization  of  the  news- 
paper business.  The  sole  object  of  this  class  of  papers  was 
to  make  a sensation,  and  they  were  exceedingly  unscru- 
pulous in  the  manner  in  which  they  dealt  with  private 
character.  As  a result,  while  they  were  read  eagerly  for 
the  spicy  information  which  they  contained,  they  were 
not  taken  seriously  by  the  public.  When  they  under- 
took to  deal  with  important  matters,  no  attention  was 
given  to  them,  so  that  even  a splendid  “scoop”  was  not 
believed  and  received  no  credit.  In  the  last  few  years 
the  press  of  Japan  has  undergone  a radical  transforma- 
tion. The  smaller  papers  have  been  absorbed;  and  the 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  335 


large  metropolitan  journals  now  print  special  editions 
for  the  different  localities.  Thus  the  Kokumin  prints 
about  twenty  editions  daily,  most  of  which  are  local 
papers  having  one  page  devoted  to  the  affairs  of  the 
town  for  which  they  are  issued.  Only  a few  large  inde- 
pendent local  papers  are  left  in  Japan,  among  them  the 
Asahi  and  Mainichi  of  Osaka.  As  already  indicated,  the 
centralization  has  also,  to  a large  extent,  wiped  out  the 
irresponsible  “yellow”  press.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
“yellow”  press  methods  have  been  extensively  adopted 
by  almost  all  the  newspapers,  so  that  the  social  news 
presented  is  usually  of  a sensational  character.  This 
amalgamation  of  conservative  and  “yellow”  journalism 
has  a very  important  bearing  in  the  matter  of  language. 
Formerly  the  better  newspapers  attempted  to  follow  the 
classical  literary  style.  As  this  was  not  readily  under- 
stood by  uneducated  people,  the  small  sheets  which 
catered  to  the  wants  of  the  masses,  and  which  were  writ- 
ten in  a colloquial  style,  were  read  by  the  multitudes. 
The  recent  development  of  gembun  itchi  as  a literary 
mode  of  expression  has  enabled  the  standard  newspapers 
to  adapt  themselves  more  completely  to  the  needs  of  the 
general  public.  It  was  inevitable  that  there  should  be  a 
certain  letting-down  of  standards.  News  items  had  to  be 
admitted  which  suited  the  small-minded  and  whose  pre- 
sence cannot  be  looked  upon  as  an  educational  influ- 
ence. But  in  general,  the  serious  press  of  Japan  occu- 
pies a position  of  real  influence,  through  the  moulding  of 


336  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


an  intelligent  and  responsible  public  opinion.  Editorial 
writers,  while  poorly  paid,1  are  respected,  and  repeatedly 
men  have,  through  their  work  in  the  sanctum,  prepared 
themselves  for  performing  the  duties  of  high  public 
office. 

A situation  has  been  established  in  Japan  which 
makes  the  growth  of  a class  of  independent  literary  men 
possible.  The  development  of  a large  reading  public 
which  includes  men  of  all  degrees  of  culture  and  a variety 
of  tastes,  calls  for  special  professional  training  on  the 
part  of  writers.  The  returns,  while  still  modest,  are  yet 
in  many  cases  sufficient  to  enable  a successful  literary 
man  to  support  himself  with  his  pen.  A poor  man  will 
naturally  seek  to  connect  himself  with  some  journal  or 
magazine  so  as  to  have  steady  occupation.  Those  who 
have  gained  more  literary  fame  may  be  able  to  put  forth 
individual  works  at  a considerable  profit.  Some  novels 
sell  in  tens  of  thousands,  whereas  thirty  years  ago  no 
book  would  be  issued  in  more  than  a few  hundred  copies. 
While  the  results  of  the  literary  democratization  of  Japan 
may  not  be  altogether  encouraging,  since  an  impetus 
has  been  given  to  certain  contaminating  influences  and 
enterprises,  yet  in  all  this  activity  there  is  enough  of 
sound  literary  development  to  be  full  of  promise  for  the 

1 Some  of  the  larger  papers  have  indeed  begun  to  pay  hand- 
some salaries  to  their  editors  and  attract  men  of  the  highest  abil- 
ity. Thus,  Mr.  Natsume,  who  was  a lecturer  on  English  literature 
at  the  University  of  Tokyo,  left  his  position  to  become  a contributor 
to  the  Asahi. 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  337 


future.  In  former  years  the  writer  who  was  not  a priest 
or  a Samurai  poet  was  looked  upon  as  a man  without  a 
calling,  and  his  life  was  indeed  precarious  and  generally 
sad.  Even  now  Japan  has  not,  indeed,  as  yet  passed  be- 
yond the  period  of  Grub  Street  literary  life.  A great  many 
writers  of  ability  are  forced  to  struggle  with  poverty 

and  to  live,  however  much  they  may  dislike  it,  a Bohe- 

% 

mian  life.  As  late  as  1909  a prominent  literary  man,  Bi- 
zan  Kawakami,  committed  suicide  because  of  poverty. 
Another  martyr  was  Ryokuwu  Saito,  who  also  died  a 
short  time  ago.  His  novels,  wrell  designed  and  carefully 
written,  are  conceived  in  the  spirit  of  realism;  by  temper 
he  was  a satirist,  and  his  observations  on  character  are 
keen  and  cutting.  In  his  personal  fortune,  Saito  was 
most  unhappy.  His  bad  health  was  made  more  unbear- 
able by  his  poverty.  Though  he  was  punctilious  in  so- 
cial observances,  he  was  perforce  ultra-Bohemian  in  his 
private  life.  Being  improvident  as  well  as  poor,  he  resem- 
bled the  eighteenth  century  poets  whose  struggles  and 
sufferings  Johnson  has  described  for  us.  With  the  excep- 
tion of  rare  intervals  of  revelry,  he  usually  had  to  buy  his 
food  from  stands  on  the  streets  or  even  to  go  hungry. 
He  shunned  society,  and  would  not  allow  even  his  friends 
to  know  where  he  lived,  mailing  letters  from  offices  dis- 
tant from  his  place  of  residence,  in  order  to  keep  from 
them  a knowledge  of  his  abject  poverty. 

There  are  other  authors  in  Japan  who,  while  living  a 
life  of  great  simplicity,  are  surely  enjoying  the  fullest 


338  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


happiness.  Such  was  Fukuzawa.  Adventuresome  in  his 
youth  in  the  pursuit  of  knowledge,  he  braved  poverty 
and  danger  in  order  to  master  whatever  was  accessible 
of  Western  learning.  When  the  new  era  dawned,  the  mas- 
tery he  had  acquired  enabled  him  to  become  a great 
teacher  of  his  nation;  yet  so  narrow  was  the  conservat- 
ism of  the  many  that  he  was  constantly  in  danger  of 
violence  at  the  hands  of  reactionaries.  Meanwhile  he 
worked  on  with  might  and  main  writing  his  books  on 
European  civilization,  and  through  the  columns  of  the 
Jiji  bringing  the  light  of  Western  thought  to  the  people 
of  Japan.  Together  with  Fukuchi  he  became  the  founder 
of  the  modern  Japanese  press.  His  books  had  an  enor- 
mous circulation.  The  Gakumon-no-siisume  is  reported 
to  have  sold  seven  hundred  thousand  copies  within 
five  or  six  years  of  its  publication,  and  altogether  mil- 
lions of  volumes  of  Fukuzawa’s  works  were  circulated. 
The  income  from  these  writings  was  invested  in  a great 
school,  Keio  Gijuku,  where  he  gathered  about  him  hun- 
dreds of  promising  men  who  carried  his  ideas  to  the  ends 
of  the  country.  The  welding  of  a nation,  the  breaking- 
down  of  the  distinctions  between  warriors  and  peasants, 
is  the  work  which  he  promoted.  No  writer  of  Japan  has 
wielded  a greater  influence.  The  man’s  great  simplicity 
and  his  notable  geniality  of  manner  won  the  hearts  of  his 
students  and  enlisted  their  undying  friendship.  Very 
fond  of  traveling,  he  took  numerous  trips  in  company 
with  members  of  his  family  and  friends,  sometimes 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  339 


going  with  a party  of  twenty  or  more.  On  these  trips 
he  was  satisfied  to  travel  most  modestly  and  to  live  on 
the  ordinary  fare  at  the  inns.  He  was  a good  traveling 
companion,  and,  though  always  the  leader,  placed  abso- 
lutely no  restraint  upon  those  with  him,  allowing  his 
companions  to  arrange  their  life  according  to  their  own 
convenience.  A tremendous  walker,  he  even  in  his  old 
age  took  trips  in  the  mountains  on  which  younger  men 
could  scarcely  follow  him. 

A man  of  interesting  personality  is  Doctor  Nitobe, 
also  a scholar  whose  intellectual  development  has  been 
greatly  influenced  by  Western  knowledge;  in  fact  his  in- 
tellectual culture,  aside  from  Japanese  civilization,  comes 
almost  entirely  from  the  West.  His  most  famous  book  is 
the  little  volume  in  praise  of  Bushido  in  which  he  gives 
an  admirable  analysis  of  that  ethical  code.  Doctor 
Nitobe  has  a directness  of  manner,  a candidness  of 
speech,  which  in  the  eyes  of  the  Japanese  make  him  re- 
semble a foreigner.  While  in  general  the  Japanese  are 
uncommunicative  and  even  secretive,  suppressing  their 
individual  thoughts  and  emotions,  Doctor  Nitobe  speaks 
out  and  makes  known  exactly  what  he  thinks  and  feels. 
He  has  given  special  attention  to  technical  training, 
being  a graduate  of  the  Sapporo  Agricultural  School,  pro- 
fessor of  agricultural  economics  at  the  Imperial  Uni- 
versity, and  late  director  of  the  First  Higher  School  at 
Tokyo.  He  professes  Chirstianity,  but  believes  that  the 
Japanese  Church  should  do  its  own  thinking.  Aside 


340  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


from  his  renown  as  a writer  and  teacher,  Doctor  Nitobe 
is  also  widely  known  and  in  great  demand  as  a speaker 
at  public  meetings,  rivaling  Count  Okuma  in  popularity. 

Another  type  of  Japanese  intellect  appears  in  Doctor 
Jiro  Kitao,  who  died  in  1907.  A very  precocious  child, 
he  had  mastered  at  the  age  of  ten  the  Chinese  classics  and 
was  able  to  write  Chinese  poetry.  His  prodigious  mem- 
ory was  especially  noteworthy.  At  the  age  of  sixteen 
he  went  to  Germany,  where  he  stayed  for  thirteen  years, 
studying  under  Helmholz  and  other  men  of  science.  He 
later  had  a controversy  with  the  great  German  physicist, 
because  of  Kitao’s  claim  that  he  was  himself  the  original 
inventor  of  the  leucoscope.  After  he  returned  to  Japan, 
Kitao  became  a professor  at  the  Imperial  University 
and  at  the  College  of  Agriculture.  He  always  retained 
great  interest  in  German  literature,  studying  Goethe 
and  even  writing  a voluminous  German  novel,  Wald - 
nymphe.  His  scientific  works  on  metallurgy  and  subsoil 
moisture  were  also  published  chiefly  in  German.  When 
he  first  returned  to  Japan,  he  had  forgotten  his  mother 
tongue  to  such  an  extent  that  it  was  difficult  for  him  to 
deliver  his  lectures.  He  soon  recovered  his  mastery, 
however,  and  his  wonderful  memory  made  it  possible  for 
him  to  use  the  most  difficult  Chinese  idioms,  with  which 
he  often  astonished  his  students. . He  had  also  given 
much  attention  to  Greek  literature,  and  was  a lover  of 
music.  Though  married  and  having  a pleasant  family 
life,  he  was  a recluse,  living  day  and  night  with  hia 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  341 


books.  He  seldom  retired  before  two  o’clock  and  fre- 
quently studied  through  the  night.  When  he  had 
worked  for  a long  time  over  some  difficult  matter  and 
finally  a solution  flashed  upon  him,  he  would  shout 
banzai  so  loudly  that  every  one  in  the  house  would  be 
aware  of  his  triumph.  In  his  zeal  for  knowledge,  he  ne- 
glected his  bodily  welfare ; his  nerves  became  overwrought 
and  toward  the  close  of  his  life,  he  at  times  went  into  a 
state  of  ecstasy. 

Country  life  has  a great  attraction  for  Japanese 
authors,  and  many  of  them  feel  a yearning  for  the  soil. 
Thus,  Kenjiro  Tokutomi  has  become  a veritable  Tolstoy, 
living  on  the  farm  and  tilling  the  soil  with  his  own  hands. 
He  says,  “For  a man  like  me  to  be  living  the  life  of  a 
peasant  may  seem  a profitless  undertaking,  but  I know 
nothing  comparable  to  what  I feel  when  I tread  the 
ground  barefoot.  Here  it  is  that  a man  gets  strength.  It 
seems  to  me  that  those  who  are  nearest  the  earth  are 
nearest  to  heaven.”  He  enjoys  the  quiet,  simple  life,  the 
hard  work  of  the  field,  the  sound  sleep  with  which  it  is 
rewarded,  all  of  which  refresh  his  spirits  wearied  with  the 
toils  and  distractions  of  modern  city  existence.  Years 
ago  Tokutomi  visited  Tolstoy  at  Yasnaya  Polyana.  He 
conceived  a great  admiration  for  the  master,  whom  he 
has  since  followed  in  his  ethical  and  political  doctrines. 
During  and  after  the  anarchist  trial  of  1910,  Tokutomi 
severely  criticized  the  Government  for  its  action.  Sig- 
nificant of  the  divergences  of  individual  development  in 


342  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


modern  Japan  is  the  wide  difference  between  the  attitude 
and  views  of  this  writer  and  those  of  his  brother,  Yichiro 
the  renowned  editor  of  the  metropolitan  journal  Koku- 
min,  who  is  one  of  the  foremost  moulders  of  political 
opinion  in  Japan. 

It  may  also  be  interesting  to  glance  at  the  life  of  a 
publisher,  Hanshichi  Yoshikawa,  who  died  recently. 
He  began  life  as  an  apprentice  boy  in  a rice  shop.  As 
rice  merchants  resorted  to  underhanded  means  of  mak- 
ing gains,  he  left  his  master  and  engaged  under  a confec- 
tioner. Finding  the  eating  of  sweetmeats  bad  for  his 
stomach,  he  went  on  to  a second-hand  store,  but  there  he 
soon  discovered  that  his  master’s  profit  came  from  sell- 
ing counterfeit  articles,  to  which  practices  he  refused  to 
lend  his  assistance.  He  therefore  determined  to  seek 
employment  in  a bookshop,  considering  that  book  deal- 
ers trade  for  the  benefit  of  their  fellow  men  rather  than 
for  personal  gain.  He  began  by  hawking  books  about 
Osaka  and  Yeddo.  After  he  had  established  a shop  of 
his  own,  he  opened  a reading-room,  where,  for  one  sen  per 
hour,  students  were  able  to  consult  the  best  authors. 
Gradually  he  won  the  confidence  of  teachers  and  the 
public  and  was  intrusted  with  the  publication  of  many 
important  books,  building  up  in  this  way  a large  and 
profitable  trade.  After  his  death  his  name  was  com- 
memorated by  his  descendants  through  the  republication 
of  a valuable  dictionary. 

The  types  of  experience  above  portrayed  are  taken 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  343 


from  a great  mass  of  material,  and  the  selection  does  not 
in  all  cases  imply  exceptional  prominence  of  the  particu- 
lar man  in  the  intellectual  life  of  Japan,  but  is  intended 
to  illustrate  the  various  phases  of  literary  activity  as 
well  as  the  conditions  under  which  men  work.  The  posi- 
tion of  literary  men  in  Japan  differs  in  many  essential 
respects  from  that  which  is  accorded  writers  of  promin- 
ence in  the  Western  world.  The  individuality  of  liter- 
ary fame  and  literary  personality  in  its  various  aspects 
have  not  been  developed  in  the  Orient  to  nearly  the  same 
extent  as  in  the  West.  The  great  books  to  which  men 
return  again  and  again  for  guidance  and  inspiration 
were  written  thousands  of  years  ago,  and  the  men  who 
earned  fame  thereafter  won  their  laurels  usually  by  writ- 
ing commentaries  upon  the  classic  texts.  No  merit  at- 
tached to  originality.  Moreover,  most  writings  were 
anonymous;  especially  if  they  were  original  was  it  advis- 
able that  the  author  should  not  make  his  personality  too 
prominent.  While  learning  has  always  been  respected, 
authorship  has  never  commanded  the  consideration  in 
Japan  and  other  Oriental  countries  that  it  has  enjoyed 
in  the  West  from  the  Greeks  down  to  the  present.  Japan 
is,  indeed,  a country  where  hero  worship  is  highly  de- 
veloped, but  no  literary  man  has  gained  the  Olympian 
position  which  Dante,  Shakespeare,  and  Goethe  hold  in 
the  West;  nor  even  that  which  is  accorded  to  lesser  men 
of  genius  with  us.  However,  the  modern  development 
of  Japanese  literature,  joined  with  the  growth  of  individ- 


344  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


ualism,  will  undoubtedly  tend  to  give  greater  personal 
prominence  to  writers. 

While  old  class  distinctions  have  nearly  disappeared 
in  Japan,  newer  social  and  professional  contrasts  have 
grown  up  which  are  quite  as  marked.  The  different  pro- 
fessions have  very  few  interests  in  common.  Thus,  one 
may  almost  speak  of  a class  of  public  men,  a class  of 
literary  men,  and  a class  of  merchants,  each  living  in  its 
own  world  and  having  little  contact  with  or  interest  in 
any  of  the  others.  It  is  not  uncommon  for  a public  official 
of  high  rank  to  show  complete  ignorance  of  what  the 
literary  men  of  Japan  are  doing.  The  latter,  on  their 
side,  live  in  the  world  of  imagination,  and  unless  they 
are  essayists  like  Toyabe,  concern  themselves  but  little 
in  current  affairs.  The  literary  statesmanship  of  the 
West,  of  which  Guizot,  Gladstone,  Balfour,  and  Roose- 
velt are  ready  examples,  is  unknown  in  Japan,  and  states- 
men will  not  even  write  their  memoirs.  There  are,  of 
course,  some  exceptions  to  this.  Thus,  while  Count 
Okuma  is  not  distinctly  a literary  man,  his  relations  with 
the  world  of  letters  are  intimate.  Another  exception  lies 
in  the  connection  between  editorial  work  and  political 
life,  which  has  already  been  pointed  out;  an  editor  and 
publicist  will  necessarily  interest  himself  in  the  political 
affairs  of  his  country. 

Any  consideration  of  the  intellectual  life  of  Japan 
would  manifestly  be  incomplete  were  we  not  to  include 
some  reference  to  educational  methods  and  results. 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  345 


While  this  is  not  the  place  to  put  forward  a systematic 
account  of  Japanese  educational  institutions,  we  may  at 
least  endeavor  to  scan  some  of  their  general  characteris- 
tics as  they  appear  in  the  contemporary'Titerature  of 
Japan  and  in  the  qualities  of  the  young  men  who  have 
recently  received  their  training.  Superadded  to  the  pro- 
blems with  which  our  Western  institutions  are  strug- 
gling, there  exist  in  Japan  the  difficulties  created  by  the 
adoption  of  many  aspects  of  an  alien  culture.  The  cur- 
riculum of  the  schools  is,  therefore,  overloaded  with  sub- 
jects, and  such  demands  have  to  be  made  upon  the  as- 
similating capacity  of  the  students  that  it  is  small  wonder 
if  their  training  in  independent  reasoning  is  often  de- 
fective, and  their  intellectual  culture  superficial  rather 
than  intensive  in  quality.  As,  in  addition  to  their  own 
language  and  the  exceedingly  difficult  Chinese,  the 
Japanese  high-school  pupils  have  to  study  two  foreign 
languages,  it  could  hardly  be  expected  that  they  should 
acquire  more  than  a reading  knowledge  of  the  latter. 

The  University  of  Tokyo  is  distinctly  an  official  insti- 
tution. Not  only  are  its  funds  provided  by  the  State,  but 
the  members  of  its  faculties  assist  the  Government  as 
counselors  in  the  administration  of  public  affairs.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Government,  through  the  Depart- 
ment of  Education,  exercises  a rather  strict  control  over 
the  university,  which  has  often  proven  irksome  to 
scholars.  The  relations  of  official  administrative  depart- 
ments to  institutions  of  learning  are  nowhere  free  from 


346  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


difficulty,  but  official  domination  seems  to  have  been 
especially  obtrusive  in  Japan.  Hearn,  in  his  Letters,  notes 
the  presence  of  a great  over-shadowing  control  and  of 
many  intercrossing  influences.  It  seemed  to  him  that 
the  power  within  the  university  was  little  more  than 
nominal,  “that  there  was  something  nameless  and  invisi- 
ble without,  something  much  stronger  than  the  director 
or  heads  of  colleges  — a political  influence,  perhaps; 
certainly,  a social  influence.  It  seems  to  overawe  the 
institution  and  its  activities.”  Doctor  Inouye,  in  com- 
plaining of  this  situation  and  in  demanding  greater 
independence,  bewails  the  fact  that  learning  in  Japan  has 
not  yet  reached  the  dignified  position  which  it  occupies 
in  the  West.  Of  late,  indeed,  there  has  been  a tendency 
to  allow  the  university  greater  freedom  from  official  con- 
trol. The  direct  connection  of  the  university  with  the 
Government,  however,  also  has  its  compensations,  as  it 
gives  to  university  men  in  return  a considerable  influence 
in  public  affairs.  Some  of  the  departments  of  the  Gov- 
ernment are  entirely  administered  by  university  gradu- 
ates. The  introduction  by  Prince  Ito  of  the  merit 
system  in  appointments  has,  of  course,  been  a great  help 
to  graduates  of  the  institution  which  was  in  a position 
to  give  the  most  adequate  training. 

Among  the  university  courses,  the  technical  subjects, 
such  as  law,  medicine,  and  engineering,  attract  most  stu- 
dents. The  fact  that  letters  and  philosophy  have  fewer 
votaries  is,  of  course,  largely  due  to  the  fact  that  stu- 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  347 


ents  are  anxious  to  prepare  in  a subject  which  promises 
them  a life  career.  But  aside  from  this,  the  definite  con- 
clusions of  technical  knowledge  seem  to  be  more  attrac- 
tive to  the  Japanese  mind  than  the  imponderable  and 
spiritual  considerations  dealt  with  in  literary  and  philo- 
sophical thought.  The  two  great  private  institutions  of 
Keio  and  Waseda,  the  former  founded  by  Fukuzawa,  the 
latter  by  Count  Okuma,  efficiently  supplement  the  work 
of  the  imperial  universities,  including,  moreover,  the 
lower  stages  of  the  educational  process.  Both  of  these 
universities  have  turned  out  a great  number  of  inde- 
pendent and  original  writers  and  thinkers.  As  they 
have  no  connection  with  official  life,  they  are  inclined  to 
greater  independence  in  their  treatment  of  public  af- 
fairs. Waseda  publishes  an  excellent  literary  journal, 
Waseda  Bungaku,  the  critical  standards  of  which  are 
upon  a European  plane. 

There  have  been  a number  of  great  educators  who 
have  left  their  personal  impression  strongly  upon  Japan- 
ese thought.  In  the  first  rank  must  be  placed  Fukuzawa 
who  was  a thorough  believer  in  the  adoption  of  Western 
processes  and  methods  and  who  looked  especially  to 
America  for  helpful  models.  French  ideas  of  government 
and  social  polity  were  represented  by  Tokusuke  Nakae, 
who  has  been  called  the  Rousseau  of  Japan  because  of 
his  able  interpretation  of  the  views  of  that  writer.  Among 
those  who  were  guided  by  the  more  conservative  ideas  of 
the  English,  a prominent  influence  was  exercised  by 


348  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Keiu  Nakamura.  Doctor  Hiroyuki  Kato,  of  the  Im- 
perial University,  used  his  great  intellectual  powers  to 
spread  German  thought,  and  it  is  due  largely  to  his  lead- 
ership that  German  ideas  have  obtained  so  strong  a hold 
in  the  Japanese  universities.  No  account  of  educational 
influences  would  be  complete  without  acknowledging 
the  work  performed  by  the  men  who,  coming  from  the 
West  as  professors,  teachers,  and  missionaries,  brought 
directly,  in  their  learning  and  character,  the  models  which 
the  Japanese  at  that  time  were  eager  to  imitate.1 

The  students  in  higher  educational  institutions  of  the 
Government  are  selected  from  a large  number  of  applic- 
ants. In  a recent  year  there  were  nineteen  thousand 
graduates  of  middle  schools  who  desired  higher  educa- 
tional advantages.  Of  these,  only  three  thousand  could 
be  admitted  to  the  universities.  Though  the  Govern- 
ment was  for  a while  disinclined  to  increase  the  facilities 
for  higher  education,  because  there  is  already  a severe 
competition  among  university  graduates  for  positions 
guaranteeing  a livelihood,  yet  at  last  it  has  been  decided 
to  create  two  other  universities,  so  that  a somewhat 
larger  number  of  students  might  be  accommodated. 

The  competition  among  students  is  relentless,  and  it 
is  but  little  relieved  by  friendly  encouragement.  In  the 

1 Among  those  whose  influence  was  most  powerful  are  Doctor 
Verbeck,  Doctor  Brown,  of  Yokohama;  Captain  Janes,  of  Kuma- 
moto; and  Mr.  Clark,  of  Sapporo.  They  impressed  their  person- 
ality upon  a large  number  of  students  who  perpetuated  the  ideas 
of  their  teachers  in  their  own  action  in  important  national  affairs. 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  349 


middle  schools  the  pupils  work  themselves  to  death  in 
order  to  be  able  to  pass  the  entrance  examinations  to  the 
higher  institutions;  but  once  admitted  there,  other  and 
still  more  severe  tests  of  various  kinds  await  them  before 
they  can  hope  to  achieve  a position  for  themselves  in  the 
world.  They  are,  indeed,  in  need  of  a stoic  temper,  and 
many  young  men  of  more  delicate  fibre  break  down  under 
this  strain.  Hearn,  in  his  Letters,  mentions  many  cases. 
“Some  have  gone  mad,”  he  says;  “numbers  have  died; 
numbers  have  had  to  give  up;  the  strain  is  too  greatbe- 
cause  the  hardship  is  too  great.”  In  most  cases  students 
are  obliged,  on  account  of  their  lack  of  means,  to  do  a 
great  deal  towards  earning  their  own  living  and  to  prac- 
tice all  kinds  of  economies.  It  is  a splendid  character- 
istic of  the  young  men  of  Japan  to  whatever  class  of 
society  they  may  belong,  that  they  are  willing  to  make 
great  sacrifices  of  this  kind  in  order  to  achieve  their  aims 
of  self-improvement.  We  need  only  think  of  the  numer- 
ous cases  where  Japanese  of  the  highest  endowment,  men 
who  later  won  great  fame  and  reputation,  earned  their 
livelihood  while  studying  in  America,  by  performing 
menial  work  of  all  kinds. 

At  times  veritable  epidemics  of  suicide  have  broken 
out  among  the  students,  although  other  classes  of  the 
population  are  also  not  free  from  such  attacks.  As  we 
have  seen,  suicide  is  not  absolutely  frowned  upon  in 
Japanese  philosophy,  and  Doctor  Kato  himself  has  de- 
fended the  self-destruction  of  soldiers  who  have  been 


350  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


defeated  in  battle.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  last  war  there 
was  a great  deal  of  personal  despair.  After  the  tremend- 
ous strain  of  action  and  sacrifice,  the  achievement  of 
the  struggle  and  the  glory  of  victory,  there  came  a dis- 
heartening disillusionment  when  the  nation  had  to  take 
up  its  everyday  life  with  the  enormous  burden  of  taxa- 
tion on  its  shoulders,  and  with  the  feeling  that  the 
concrete  advantages  gained  through  the  war  were  incon- 
siderable. The  competition  of  individualistic  society  has 
in  it  something  terrible  to  the  people  of  Japan,  who  still 
remember  the  easy-going,  friendly  ways  of  the  feudal 
age,  when  every  one  was  sure  of  his  living  and  when  the 
population  did  not  yet  press  so  seriously  upon  the  means 
of  subsistence.  In  the  rush  of  modern  life,  with  its  harsh 
rivalries  and  discords,  many  natures  are  bewildered;  not 
knowing  how  to  maintain  themselves,  they  finally  capit- 
ulate. For  a while,  almost  every  week  suicides  were 
committed  at  the  Kegon  Waterfall,  near  Tokyo.  A 
young  student  of  philosophy,  who  killed  himself  there  by 
leaping  into  the  cataract,  left  the  following  words  writ- 
ten upon  a tree  nearby:  “Alas,  how  distant  all  things 
seem!  How  vast  are  the  limits  of  the  great  universe! 
The  petty  being  called  man  has  at  all  times  tried  to  com- 
prehend this  immensity  in  vain.  Of  what  value  is  philo- 
sophy? The  real  state  of  the  universe  remains  incom- 
prehensible. Out  of  regret  for  this,  in  the  anguish  of  my 
soul,  I have  at  length  resolved  to  die,  and  presently  I 
shall  discover  that  the  depths  of  woe  and  the  very  high- 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  351 


est  bliss  may  blend  with  each  other.”  The  police  found  it 
necessary,  whenever  a student  proceeded  alone  to  the 
neighborhood  of  the  falls,  to  have  him  shadowed  by  a 
guard,  and  steps  were  taken  to  prevent  inns  of  the  neigh- 
borhood from  giving  accommodations  to  unaccompanied 
students.  The  priests  of  the  shrine  situated  near  the 
cataract  posted  up  a placard  in  which  they  said  that  “ to 
throw  away  precious  lives  is  to  defile  the  sacred  moun- 
tain ; it  is  an  act  of  irreverence  towards  the  gods,  of  dis- 
loyalty to  the  sovereign,  and  of  disobedience  to  the 
parents.” 

It  is  not  surprising  that  in  an  age  of  great  intellectual 
stress,  of  doubt  and  confusion,  when  Japanese  minds  are 
tortured  by  uncertainty,  a great  many  matter-of-fact 
natures  should  seek  refuge  in  a materialistic  philosophy 
of  life.  The  tendency  of  thought  at  present  most  popu- 
lar among  Japanese  students  is  that  which  is  called 
naturalism,  as  it  draws  its  inspiration  from  the  literary 
movement  of  that  name.  The  books  of  Gorky,  Tur- 
genieff,  and  Maupassant  are  the  gospel  of  this  faith.  It 
seeks  intellectual  satisfaction  in  denying  the  validity  of 
anything  that  cannot  be  demonstrated;  and  demands  for 
its  votaries  the  privilege  of  seeing  and  experiencing  all 
phases  of  life.  On  the  side  of  conduct  it  therefore  tends 
strongly  toward  the  repudiation  of  all  moral  restraints, 
and  sees  veracity  and  worth  only  in  “life  living  itself 
out.”  This  tendency  is  not  confined  to  Japan.  Through- 
out the  Orient  there  is  current  among  the  younger  men 


352  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


a materialistic  temper  which  does  not  bode  well  for  the 
future  of  civilization,  unless  the  youthful  energy  which 
it  represents  can  overcome  the  deadening  and  barbariz- 
ing influence  of  materialism  and  draw  new  inspiration 
from  old  ideals,  remaining  true  to  the  old  Oriental  faith 
in  the  validity  and  power  of  spiritual  forces. 

The  present  review  of  intellectual  forces  and  tenden- 
cies in  Japan  can  make  no  claim  to  completeness;  thus,  for 
instance,  the  achievements  in  the  physical  and  technical 
sciences  have  only  briefly  been  referred  to.  It  has  been 
my  purpose  to  give  an  impression  of  the  variety  of  in- 
tellectual interests  in  Japan  and  of  the  temper  with 
which  the  things  of  the  spirit  are  viewed  at  the  present 
time.  In  the  future,  the  Japanese  mind  will  undoubtedly 
still  further  excel  in  many  directions,  but  the  greatest  de- 
velopment may  be  expected  in  those  activities  for  which 
racial  and  social  experience  has  best  prepared  the  intel- 
lect. A strong  but  selective  realism  in  literature,  delic- 
ate word-painting,  the  successful  search  for  mastery 
over  the  forces  of  nature,  a grasp  of  social  and  political 
relationships  — these  are  among  the  things  we  may  ex- 
pect from  the  Japan  of  the  future.  At  present  all  is  still 
in  the  turmoil  and  uncertainty  of  a titanic  struggle 
of  opposing  forces  from  which  only  gradually  there  is 
emerging  the  mind  and  spirit  of  modern  Japan. 


INTELLECTUAL  LIFE  IN  JAPAN  353 


NOTE  TO  CHAPTER  VII 
LEADERS  IN  SCIENTIFIC  WORK 


Astromony: 

Terao,  Hirayama. 

Botany: 

Matsumura,  Miyoshi,  Miyabc,  Ikeno. 

Chemistry: 

Sakurai,  Ikeda,  Osaka,  Shimose,  Nagai,  Takamine,  Mat- 
sui,  Haga,  Kuhara. 

Geology: 

Koto,  Yokayama,  Jimbo. 

History: 

Japanese  history:  Shigeno  (died  1911),  Hoshino,  Kume, 
Mikami,  Hagino,  Uchida,  Yamaji. 

Asiatic  history:  Shiratori,  Naito,  Tsuboi. 

Western  history:  Tsuboi,  Gempachi,  Mitsukuri  (brother 
of  Baron  Kikuchi),  Ukita. 

International  law: 

Ariga,  Takahashi,  Terao,  Tachi,  Yamada. 

Law: 

Tomii,  Nobushige  Hozumi  (elder,  philosophy  of  law), 
Yatsuka  Hozumi  (younger,  constitutional  law),  Miya- 
zaki, Ume  (died  1910),  Okada. 

Mathematics: 

Baron  Kikuchi,  Fujisawa,  Takaki,  Sakai. 

Medicine: 

Miyake,  Aoyama,  Osawa,  Kure,  Koganei,  Ogata,  Miura, 
Kitasato,  Sato. 

Philosophy : 

Baron  Kato,  Tetsujiro  Inouye,  Yujiro,  Miyake,  Kuwaki. 
Ethics:  R.  Nakajima. 

Psychology:  Motora,  M.  Matsumoto. 

Aesthetics:  Otsuka,  Okakura. 


354  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Philosophy  of  religion  and  Hindu  philosophy:  Takakusu, 
Anesaki,  B.  Matsumoto. 

Physics: 

Yamakawa,  Tanakadate,  Nagaoka,  Tsuruda,  Muraoka, 
Omori  (seismology),  Honda,  Mizuno. 

Political  economy: 

Kanai,  Viscount  Tajiri,  Baron  Soeda,  Amano. 

Sociology: 

Takebe,  Endo. 

Zoology: 

Kakichi  Mitsukuri  (brother  of  Baron  Kikuchi),  Iijima, 
Watase,  Ishikawa,  Oka,  Goto,  Kishigami. 

Novelists: 

Yuzo  Tsubouchi  (Shoyo),  dramatist. 

Rintaro  Mori  (Ogwai),  introducer  of  German  literature. 
Futabatei  Hasegawa,  introducer  of  Russian  literature. 
Rohan  Koda,  romanticist. 

Koyo  Ozaki,  realist. 

Doppo  Kunikida,  naturalist,  translator  of  Russian  novels. 
Kafu  Nagai,  introducer  of  French  models. 

Soseki  Natsume,  psychological  novelist. 

Critics: 

Rinjiro  Takayama. 

Takitaro  Shimamura. 

Iichiro  Tokutorni,  editor,  publicist. 

Poets: 

Shiki  Masaoka,  Haikai  expert. 

Toson  Shimazaki,  Shintaishi  expert  (also  novelist). 
Bansui  Doi,  Shintaishi  expert. 

Mrs.  Akirako  Yosano,  Uta  expert. 

Kainan  Mori,  expert  in  Chinese  poetry. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


POLITICAL  PARTIES  AND  PARLIAMENTARY  GOVERNMENT 
IN  JAPAN 

In  the  study  of  the  relations  and  the  mutual  influence 
between  the  East  and  the  West,  the  actual  workings  of 
institutions  adopted  by  Oriental  nations  are  worthy  of 
special  attention.  Influence  may  be  exerted  by  one  civil- 
ization upon  another  in  various  ways;  there  may  be  a 
more  or  less  gradual  modification  of  customs  and  man- 
ners affecting  dress  and  the  general  mode  of  life,  such  as 
we  see  among  the  wealthy  Chinese  at  Singapore,  who 
furnish  their  houses  in  European  style  and  are  fond  of 
displaying  fine  horses  and  carriages;  or  economic  life 
may  be  developed  by  the  adoption  of  new  industrial  pro- 
cesses and  methods  of  organization;  again,  changes  in 
the  legal  system  may  be  modeled  upon  individual  laws 
evolved  in  the  experience  of  another  civilization.  But 
the  boldest  and  most  radical  form  of  imitation  is  seen  in 
the  copying  of  complex  institutions  in  their  entirety, 
such  as  the  organization  of  an  educational  system,  or, 
most  striking  instance  of  all,  the  parliamentary  form  of 
government.  When  an  institution  like  the  latter  is  bod- 
ily transplanted,  the  process  is  likely  to  expose  the  limit- 
ations of  the  influence  which  can  thus  be  exercised  by 


356  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


one  civilization  on  another.  It  is  therefore  with  special 
intentness  that  we  approach  the  study  of  the  parlia- 
mentary system  in  Japan,  knowing  that  the  experience 
in  government  gained  in  this  new  field  will  yield  valuable 
material  for  the  scientific  study  of  politics  in  general,  and 
for  an  understanding  of  Oriental  modes  of  thought  and 
action.  We  shall  therefore  attempt  to  point  out  the 
principal  phases  in  the  development  of  modern  Japanese 
politics  and  to  indicate  the  present  status  of  the  enter- 
prise of  organizing  Japanese  political  life  upon  a Western 
basis. 

The  use  of  party  organization  in  its  modem  sense 
originated  in  Count  Itagaki’s  agitation  for  a parliament 
in  the  late  seventies.  The  movement  was  taken  up  from 
another  point  of  view  by  Count  Okuma.  About  these 
two  men  devoted  followers  grouped  themselves;  and 
though  the  personal  element  was  thus  predominant  from 
the  start,  it  was  the  aim  of  these  leaders  to  create  actual 
and  efficient  political  parties.  The  parties  which  they 
originated  never  had  much  opportunity  for  constructive 
action,  being  confined  almost  always  to  the  opposition. 
Indeed,  constructive  government,  as  we  shall  see,  has 
not  been  carried  on  upon  the  principle  of  party  action  in 
Japan.  In  addition  to  these  original  parties,  other 
groups  were  from  time  to  time  formed,  whose  cohesion 
was  usually  slight  and  of  short  duration.  Such  were 
Count  Ito’s  original  Constitutional-Imperial  Party,  the 
National  Unionist  Party  founded  by  Saigo  and  Marquis 


PARTIES  AND  GOVERNMENT 


357 


Yamagata,  the  Teiseito,  the  Yukokai,  the  Seiko  Club, 
and  the  Daido  Club.  A more  important  political  organ- 
ization was  formed  by  Marquis  Ito  in  1900,  the  Seiyu- 
kai.  The  two  original  parties,  organized  in  1880  and 
1881  respectively,  were  at  first  composed  entirely  of 
personal  followers  of  the  two  prominent  reformers; 
being  without  much  opportunity  for  the  exercise  of 
real  political  power,  they  were  marked  by  a distinctly 
theoretical  character.  Count  Itagaki’s  Liberal  Party 
drew  its  inspiration  chiefly  from  Rousseau  and  other 
French  theorists,  and  only  to  a lesser  extent  from  the 
English  Liberals.  Its  watchwords  were  “ freedom,  equal- 
ity, and  constitutional  government,”  it  believed  in  a 
broad  basis  for  the  suffrage,  and  in  a legislature  composed 
of  one  chamber,  directly  representative  of  the  people. 
Count  Okuma’s  Progressive  Party  was  influenced  rather 
by  the  English  Liberal  and  Utilitarian  school,  as  well  as 
by  English  and  American  political  experience.  It  empha- 
sized internal  reform  and  local  self-government,  and 
favored  a bicameral  parliament  and  the  gradual  exten- 
sion of  the  suffrage. 

During  the  ten  years  which  elapsed  between  the  defin- 
ite promise  of  a parliament  and  its  actual  installation  in 
1891,  these  parties  could  of  course  carry  on  only  a the- 
oretical propaganda  looking  to  future  action.  When  the 
time  for  the  first  election  came,  they  made  a vigorous 
canvass,  with  the  result  that,  taken  together,  they  con- 
trolled a majority  of  the  first  House  of  Representatives. 


358  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


The  Government  had  adopted  a rather  neutral  and 
almost  disdainful  attitude,  in  not  making  any  direct, 
concerted  efforts  during  the  election;  with  the  result 
that  it  found  itself  from  the  start  without  a majority  in 
the  lower  chamber.  As  a matter  of  fact  the  powers 
which  had  been  apportioned  to  the  lower  house  in  Count 
Ito’s  Constitution  were  by  no  means  controlling,  and 
the  Government  undoubtedly  felt  that  its  action  could 
not  be  seriously  embarrassed  unless  opposition  should 
be  very  obstinate  and  long-continued.  In  the  Japanese 
system,  the  Chamber  is  checked  in  its  action  by  the 
House  of  Peers,  the  majority  of  whose  members  are 
noblemen,  the  rest  being  nominees  of  the  Government. 
The  financial  powers  of  the  Diet  are  confined  to  the  vot- 
ing of  new  taxes  and  of  the  budget  prepared  by  the  Min- 
istry of  Finance.  Should  any  budget  not  meet  with  the 
approval  of  the  Diet,  the  preceding  estimates  will  re- 
main in  force  for  another  fiscal  year.  The  Emperor, 
through  the  Government,  exercises  the  power  of  fixing 
the  salaries  of  public  officials,  and  the  size  and  organiza- 
tion of  the  military  and  naval  forces. 

While  it  might,  therefore,  well  have  seemed  to  the 
elder  statesmen  that  a body  of  such  limited  powers  could 
be  easily  handled,  the  troubles  which  began  as  soon  as 
the  Diet  opened  indicated  that  the  intractableness  of 
the  Chamber  would  probably  be  proportioned  to  its  lack 
of  real  power.  The  candidates  who  had  sought  election 
to  the  House  in  the  opposition  parties  were  frequently 


PARTIES  AND  GOVERNMENT 


359 


men  who  had  been  disappointed  in  their  political  ambi- 
tions by  the  close  corporation  of  Satcho  leaders 1 who 
were  in  control  of  the  Government.  Young  men,  excluded 
from  every  prospect  of  political  advancement  by  the 
policy  of  confining  lucrative  appointments  to  the  mem- 
bers of  the  clans  to  which  these  leaders  belonged,  were 
violent  in  their  attacks  upon  such  favoritism.  The 
Chamber  exhausted  itself  and  the  Government  in  bitter 
party  attacks;  it  became  impossible  to  advance  any  leg- 
islation, and  the  first  Diet  was  dissolved  after  an  exist- 
ence of  a little  over  a year. 

A turbulent  campaign  followed.  Forcible  and  insin- 
uating arguments  were  put  forward  in  appeals  to  every 
kind  of  human  motive,  high  or  low.  Candidates  even 
went  so  far  as  to  enlist  the  services  of  soshi,  or  profes- 
sional ruffians,  for  the  purpose  of  intimidating  their 
opponents.  The  Government,  through  an  ordinance  for 
preserving  the  peace,  subjected  the  liberty  of  meeting 
and  of  speech  to  the  strictest  regulation.  The  newly 
elected  Chamber  was,  however,  in  no  way  more  man- 
ageable than  the  first.  Its  continued  refusal  to  vote  the 
necessary  funds  caused  the  Emperor  to  have  recourse  to 
his  power  over  the  civil  service.  In  a rescript  he  called 
upon  all  public  employees  to  give  one  tenth  of  their  an- 
nual salaries  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  the  State  in  the 
creation  of  an  adequate  armament.  Other  sessions  and 
elections  followed  in  quick  succession  until  the  wave  of 
1 Members  of  the  two  leading  clans,  Satsuma  and  Choshu. 


360  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


patriotic  feeling  engendered  by  the  Chino- Japanese 
war  caused  a temporary  armistice  in  party  struggles. 

But  the  controversy  between  Opposition  and  Govern- 
ment was  taken  up  with  redoubled  energy,  when  the 
modification  of  the  Treaty  of  Shimonoseki  became 
known,  through  which  Port  Arthur  was  taken  from 
Japan.  The  most  violent  scenes  were  witnessed  in  the 
Diet.  The  Premier,  Marquis  Ito,  was  in  imminent  dan- 
ger of  assassination  by  men  of  the  people  whose  mind  had 
become  inflamed  by  the  bitterness  of  the  conflict.  As  the 
parliamentary  opposition  threatened  to  thwart  every 
effort  at  new  financial  legislation,  the  Government 
finally  saw  itself  forced  to  seek  reconciliation  with  some 
of  the  opposition  leaders.  Count  Itagaki  was  therefore 
invited  to  join  the  Ito  Cabinet.  With  the  aid  of  his 
influence  the  budget  was  doubled  and  over  one  hundred 
and  twenty  important,  much-needed  laws  were  passed 
through  the  lower  house.  As  a price  for  his  support, 
Itagaki  had  insisted  upon  the  acceptance  of  laws  guar- 
anteeing the  liberty  of  the  press  and  asserting  the  respons- 
ibility of  Ministers  to  the  Diet.  The  latter  principle  was 
the  centre  of  the  political  battles  of  those  years,  as  in 
fact  it  still  remains.  The  opposition  parties  claimed  that 
constitutional  government  is  unthinkable  without  re- 
sponsibility of  the  Cabinet  to  the  Parliament  and  the 
people.  The  Government,  however,  insisted  that  the 
ministers,  being  the  servants  of  the  Emperor,  are  re- 
sponsible solely  to  him ; and  while  of  course  it  also  recog- 


PARTIES  AND  GOVERNMENT 


3G1 


nized  their  responsibility  to  the  nation  as  a whole,  it 
would  not  admit  the  right  and  power  of  the  lower  house 
to  turn  them  out  of  office  through  a vote  of  lack  of  confid- 
ence. With  respect  to  the  above  proposals  of  legislation 
a very  shrewd  use  was  made  of  the  House  of  Peers.  This 
conservative  body  readily  adopted  all  the  measures  wel- 
come to  the  Government,  but  rejected  the  two  bills  espe- 
cially advocated  by  the  Liberal  Party.  The  defection  of 
support  in  the  House  of  Representatives  which  resulted 
upon  this  action,  brought  about  the  resignation  of  Mar- 
quis Ito  and  the  formation  of  a new  cabinet.  His  place 
was  taken  by  Count  Matsukata,  another  of  the  Genro, 
or  elder  statesmen,  who  associated  with  himself  Count 
Okuma,  the  leader  of  the  Progressive  Party.  Through 
a lavish  use  of  the  patronage  this  cabinet  was  enabled  to 
hold  office  for  sixteen  months. 

But  this  method  of  using  one  or  the  other  of  the  oppo- 
sition leaders  soon  proved  a temporary  makeshift. 
The  Government  wTas  unable  to  satisfy  the  demands  of 
the  personal  following  of  its  new  associates,  while  the 
limited  recognition  of  opposition  leaders  only  whetted 
the  appetite  of  others  and  gave  greater  vigor  to  their 
attacks  upon  the  Government.  For  these  reasons,  after 
Marquis  Ito  had  again  held  office  for  a few  months,  he 
determined  upon  a bold  stroke.  He  resigned  and  advised 
the  Emperor  to  appoint  a party  cabinet  composed  of  the 
leaders  of  the  opposition,  in  order  that  they  might  try 
their  mettle  in  actual  administration.  A combination 


362  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


was  accordingly  formed  between  the  two  opposition  par- 
ties, which  entered  upon  official  power  under  the  name  of 
Kensei-to.  Great  was  the  rejoicing  among  enthusiasts 
for  parliamentary  government,  for  the  struggle  for  party 
recognition  and  ministerial  responsibility  seemed  to  have 
come  to  a successful  ending.  But  signs  of  serious  dis- 
agreement between  the  two  sections  were  not  slow  in 
revealing  themselves.  On  important  matters  of  policy, 
such  as  the  purchase  of  railways  and  the  extent  of  the 
armament,  the  leaders  were  by  no  means  at  one.  But 
this  divergence  was  not  so  fatal  to  the  success  of  the  new 
cabinet  as  was  the  “office-hunting  fever”  which  had 
seized  upon  the  minor  politicians  so  long  excluded  from 
the  spoils.  Notwithstanding  numerous  removals,  it  was 
impossible  to  satisfy  a tithe  of  the  applicants,  and  the 
various  factions  soon  became  openly  hostile  in  this  strug- 
gle over  the  distribution  of  offices.  The  embarrassments 
of  the  Cabinet  were  increased  by  the  forced  resignation 
of  Mr.  Ozaki  who,  in  a public  address,  had  been  indiscreet 
enough  to  admit  the  possibility  of  Japan  being  a republic 
in  a thousand  years.  Four  short  months  sufficed  to 
prove  the  impossibility  of  cooperation  and  to  justify  the 
shrewdness  of  Marquis  Ito’s  counsel.  Their  opponents 
now  being  thoroughly  discredited,  the  elder  statesmen 
could  form  a cabinet  composed  entirely  of  their  asso- 
ciates and  followers.  Marquis  Yamagata  became  Prime 
Minister,  and  his  principal  colleagues  were  Counts  Mat- 
sukata  and  Saigo,  Viscounts  Katsura  and  Aoki,  and 


PARTIES  AND  GOVERNMENT 


363 


Admiral  Yamamoto.  This  cabinet,  was,  however,  not 
free  from  the  necessity  of  conciliating  members  of  the 
Diet  through  an  extensive  use  of  public  patronage  and 
through  other  more  or  less  corrupting  influences,  which 
earned  for  its  head  the  sobriquet  of  “the  modem  Wal- 
pole.” Among  the  measures  of  the  Government  at  this 
time  was  a law  raising  the  salary  of  members  of  the  Diet 
from  eight  hundred  to  two  thousand  yen  — an  increase 
not  out  of  proportion  to  the  advancing  cost  of  living, 
which  was,  however,  looked  upon  as  somewhat  of  a 
douceur. 

The  year  1900  brought  an  exceedingly  important  ad- 
vance in  the  development  of  Japanese  parties.  Marquis 
Ito  had  come  to  realize  that  the  Government  could  not 
go  on  in  the  old  way,  neglecting  legitimate  party  organi- 
zation and  confining  its  efforts  to  sporadic  alliances 
which  tended  to  corrupt  public  action.  He  now  himself 
descended  into  the  political  arena,  and  with  a loud  flour- 
ish of  trumpets  announced  the  formation  of  an  ideal 
political  party,  summoning  all  good  men  to  rally  to  his 
banner.  The  new  party  was  given  the  name  Seiyukai 
(friends  of  the  Constitution).  It  comprised  the  majority 
of  the  old  Liberal  Party, — which  was  dissolved  at  the 
same  time,  Count  Itagaki  having  retired  from  political 
life,  — as  well  as  a number  of  deputies  who  had  formerly 
been  without  party  affiliations.  While  Marquis  Ito  had 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  public  opinion  should  be 
organized  so  as  to  become  responsible  and  to  be  of  assist- 


364  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


ance  in  the  conduct  of  public  affairs,  he  by  no  means 
intended  through  the  movement  thus  inaugurated  to 
bring  about  actual  party  government  and  ministerial 
responsibility.  This  is  apparent  from  a speech  which  he 
delivered  at  the  time  of  the  foundation  of  the  Seiyukai. 
In  this  address  he  stated  that  the  appointment  or  dis- 
missal of  cabinet  ministers  appertains  to  the  preroga- 
tives of  the  Sovereign,  who  therefore  has  complete  free- 
dom to  select  his  advisers  as  he  may  deem  proper,  from 
statesmen  within  or  outside  of  the  organized  parties. 
Moreover,  Marquis  Ito  asserted  that  when  once  minis- 
ters had  taken  office,  it  was  not  permissible  for  their 
political  associates  to  interfere  with  the  discharge  of 
official  duties,  from  the  point  of  view  of  party  advantage 
or  party  control.  He  declared  this  to  be  the  fundamental 
principle  of  Japanese  statesmanship.  A correct  interpret- 
ation of  Marquis  Ito’s  action  in  forming  a party  must 
take  into  account  this  declaration,  which  is  borne  out 
by  his  subsequent  action.  The  “old  statesman”  had  not 
been  converted  to  the  Liberal  principle  of  cabinet  respon- 
sibility ; but  he  had  come  to  see  that  the  almost  anarchical 
state  of  public  opinion  was  detrimental,  and  that  the 
party  system  must  be  reorganized  from  the  point  of 
view  of  the  Government  itself.  In  his  opinion  the  party 
was  not  to  be  an  instrument  for  the  control  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, but  rather  a means  through  which  the  Govern- 
ment might  exercise  a steadying  influence  over  public 
opinion.  Agreement  of  opinion  upon  general  principles 


PARTIES  AND  GOVERNMENT 


365 


was  what  he  relied  on  among  the  members  of  his  new 
party,  — rather  than  the  impulse  to  set  up  party  con- 
trol. The  declaration  of  party  principles  which  he 
caused  to  be  issued  on  this  occasion  is  therefore  com- 
posed of  rather  vague  generalizations  with  regard  to 
properly  conducting  the  affairs  of  state,  advancing  the 
prosperity  of  the  country,  and  securing  the  harmonious 
working  of  administrative  machinery. 

As  a result  of  this  work  in  political  organization,  Mar- 
quis Ito  was  in  October,  1900,  again  intrusted  with  the 
duty  of  forming  a cabinet.  Notwithstanding  the  pla- 
tonic character  of  his  partisanship,  the  House  of  Peers 
showed  itself  so  much  opposed  to  the  very  idea  of  party 
that  it  threatened  to  kill  all  legislation  attempted  by  the 
Seiyukai;  Marquis  Ito  had  to  seek  aid  by  securing  an 
imperial  rescript  which  put  the  peers  in  a more  concil- 
iatory frame  of  mind.  The  cabinet  was  a strong  one, 
including  such  names  as  Kato,  Suyematsu,  Watanabe, 
Kodama,  Kaneko,  and  Hayashi.  But  latent  internal 
dissensions  soon  developed  into  serious  obstacles.  Vis- 
count Watanabe,  Minister  of  Finance,  disagreed  with 
the  Premier  on  the  matter  of  financial  legislation,  being 
himself  in  favor  of  strict  retrenchment.  The  Ito  Cab- 
inet, therefore,  came  to  an  early  end,  in  1901 . It  was  suc- 
ceeded by  a cabinet  under  the  influence  of  the  most  con- 
servative elements,  especially  of  Marquis  Yamagata. 
Count  Katsura  was  made  Prime  Minister  and  all  his 
associates  were  peers. 


366  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


With  both  the  Seiyukai  and  the  Progressive  Party 
usually  in  opposition,  a temporary  alliance  having  been 
effected  through  circumstances,  the  Cabinet  could  not 
secure  sufficient  support  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives. The  sessions  of  the  latter  were  short  and  stormy, 
and  both  in  1902  and  1903  the  Chamber  refused  to  vote 
the  budget  prepared  by  the  Ministry.  The  latter  was 
therefore  forced  to  continue  its  financial  administration 
under  the  budget  for  1902,  which  had  been  fixed  by  a 
preceding  Diet.  While  thus  attempting  to  cut  off  the 
Government  from  supplies,  the  opposition  engaged  in 
the  most  irrational  criticism  of  the  supposed  dilatoriness 
of  the  Ministry  in  foreign  affairs;  though  refusing  to 
vote  the  budget,  they  demanded  a strong  foreign  policy, 
even  to  war  with  Russia,  if  that  should  prove  necessary. 
This  inconsistent  attitude  illustrates  the  irresponsibility 
of  Japanese  parties;  their  aim  at  the  time  seemed  to  be 
rather  to  embarrass  the  Cabinet  than  to  pursue  a com- 
plete and  consistent  policy.  Marquis  Ito,  leader  of  the 
Seiyukai,  threw  his  influence  in  favor  of  the  Govern- 
ment, but  in  1903  he  apparently  realized  the  impossibility 
of  controlling  his  followers  and  giving  adequate  sup- 
port to  the  Cabinet;  he  accordingly  resigned  the  formal 
leadership  and  became  President  of  the  Privy  Council, 
while  the  former  president,  Marquis  Saiyonji,  a mem- 
ber of  the  Kyoto  court  nobility,  took  his  place  as  leader 
of  the  Seiyukai. 

The  parliamentary  opposition  to  the  Government  cul- 


PARTIES  AND  GOVERNMENT 


367 


minated  in  1903  in  a session  which  lasted  only  two  days. 
The  session  of  the  Diet  is  customarily  opened  by  an  ad- 
dress from  the  throne,  to  which  a formal  answer  is  made 
by  each  house.  This  answer,  in  the  lower  house,  is  usu- 
ally prepared  by  the  Speaker  in  consultation  with  some 
of  the  leaders.  When  on  December  10,  1903,  the  imper- 
ial address  had  been  read,  the  Speaker  of  the  time,  Mr. 
Kono,  drew  from  his  pocket,  and  proceeded  to  read,  an 
answer  which  he  himself  had  prepared.  The  members  did 
not  realize  the  personal  and  irregular  nature  of  this  act, 
and  although  the  answer  contained  a strong  condemn- 
ation of  the  Government,  amounting  to  a vote  of  lack  of 
confidence,  it  was  passed  by  the  combined  votes  of  the 
Seiyukai  and  the  Progressive  Party.  The  action  of  the 
Speaker  was  irregular  in  several  respects.  To  make  the 
answer  to  the  address  of  the  Sovereign  the  vehicle  of  po- 
litical opinions  was  unprecedented,  as  it  is  a principle  of 
Japanese  decorum  that  the  Sovereign  is  to  be  left  entirely 
out  of  the  political  disputes  of  the  day.  Moreover,  the 
Speaker  had  thus  far  not  used  his  office  as  an  instrument 
of  party  action,  he  had  rather  confined  himself  to  the 
functions  of  an  impartial  moderator.  The  present 
Speaker,  through  his  coup,  put  the  opposition  parties  in 
an  uncomfortable  position.  They  had  voted  upon  what 
they  had  distinctly  heard,  and  they  could  therefore  not 
without  embarrassment  reconsider  the  vote.  A hasty 
vote  of  this  kind,  however,  would  not  tend  to  increase 
their  influence  with  the  country,  and  would  of  course  lead 


368  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


to  an  immediate  dissolution  of  the  Chamber,  which  was, 
in  fact,  announced  on  the  next  day. 

The  opening  of  hostilities  against  Russia  had  the 
natural  effect  of  ending  all  party  opposition  for  the  time. 
The  Peace  of  Portsmouth,  being  at  first  unpopular,  caused 
a renewal  of  attacks  on  the  Cabinet,  which  weakened  as 
the  complex  character  of  the  situation  became  better 
known.  In  January,  1906,  it  was  considered  advisable 
to  have  the  Katsura  Ministry,  which  had  enjoyed  the 
longest  tenure  since  the  creation  of  the  Diet,  withdraw  in 
favor  of  a cabinet  a little  more  representative  of  the 
parties  in  parliament.  The  formation  of  this  cabinet 
was  intrusted  to  Marquis  Saionji.  This  act  was  hailed 
as  a victory  of  the  Seiyukai  and  of  the  principle  of  party 
government  — an  unwarranted  opinion,  as  it  was  dis- 
tinctly understood  at  the  time  that  Marquis  Saionji  had 
been  invited  as  an  individual  statesman,  not  as  a party 
leader,  and  that  he  would  carry  on  the  policies  of  his  pre- 
decessors. It  was  expected  that  he  would  be  able  to 
count  on  the  support  of  the  Seiyukai,  to  which  was  added 
that  of  the  Daido  Club,  an  informal  organization  of  pro- 
government representatives,  under  the  virtual  control  of 
Count  Katsura.  The  influence  of  the  Yamagata  element 
was  indicated  by  the  admission  of  three  associates  of 
Count  Katsura  to  the  new  ministry,  while  General  Ter- 
auchi  continued  as  Minister  of  War . This  cabinet,  which 
was  hailed  as  a party  ministry,  while  it  made  certain  con- 
cessions to  the  composition  of  parties  in  the  lower  house, 


PARTIES  AND  GOVERNMENT 


369 


was  still  primarily  based  upon  the  non-partisan  principle 
of  government.  It  differs  from  the  Katsura  Cabinet  in 
being  more  representative,  but  it  could  not  be  said  to  be 
responsible  to  the  larger  party  in  the  Diet  nor  identified 
with  it  in  leadership  and  principles.  The  opposition  was, 
after  1906,  made  up  of  the  Progressive  Party,  the  Seiko 
Club,  and  independent  members.  The  Saionji  Ministry 
had  the  promise  of  fair  sailing.  It  had  reconciled  the  prin- 
cipal party  in  the  House,  as  well  as  the  conservatives  and 
peers,  who  look  to  Marquis  Yamagata  for  leadership. 
But  its  path  after  all  proved  to  be  not  free  from  difficul- 
ties. The  conservatives  continued  to  look  with  suspicion 
upon  the  party  connections  of  ministers  and  they  were 
evidently  resolved  to  avoid  any  action  which  might 
countenance  the  principle  of  party  power. 

The  political  changes  in  the  last  three  years  have  in- 
volved some  significant  developments.  A general  par- 
liamentary election  was  held  in  May,  1908.  In  the  cam- 
paign the  Seiyukai  made  every  effort  to  overcome  the 
general  unpopularity  incurred  through  the  Government’s 
policy  in  maintaining  the  high  war  taxes.  The  party 
was  successful,  and  for  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  the 
Japanese  Diet  a single  party  had  the  absolute  majority 
in  the  House.  But  though  the  presence  of  a compact 
body  of  one  hundred  and  ninety-two  members  would 
seem  to  give  assurance  of  continued  political  power, 
within  a few  weeks  after  the  election  the  Seiyukai  Cab- 
inet resigned.  As  a reason  for  this  surprising  step  the 


370  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Prime  Minister  assigned  personal  ill  health;  a deeper 
cause,  however,  must  be  sought  in  the  opposition  to  the 
principle  of  party  government  which  was  still  strongly 
held  by  the  House  of  Peers.  The  Cabinet,  having  to  deal 
with  extremely  difficult  problems  of  finance  and  admin- 
istration, could  not  hope  to  succeed  if  its  action  were 
blocked  at  every  point  by  the  upper  house.  A new 
cabinet  was  formed  by  Marquis  Katsura,  whose  relation 
with  Prince  Yamagata  and  with  the  House  of  Peers  gave 
him  a strong  hold  on  all  the  branches  of  government.  He 
was,  however,  confronted  by  a situation  in  the  lower 
house  which  made  a certain  amount  of  compromise  in- 
evitable; so,  while  not  formally  recognizing  the  Seiyukai 
as  part  of  the  Government,  the  new  Premier  sought  to 
cultivate  close  relationships  with  it  and  to  win  its  sup- 
port for  his  measures.  An  alliance  was  thus  begun, which 
gradually  gained  in  strength  and  which  constitutes  the 
most  significant  feature  of  the  present  situation. 

Several  minor  parties  had  come  into  existence  at  this 
time.  The  Yushinkai,  or  Reform  Party,  was  composed  of 
men  who  directed  their  efforts  against  corrupt  methods 
in  party  politics  and  who  opposed  the  continuance  of  war 
taxation.  They  counted  forty-five  members  in  the  new 
Diet.  Representatives  of  the  industrial  and  commercial 
classes,  who  now,  on  account  of  the  new  basis  of  taxa- 
tion, are  more  strongly  represented  in  parliament  than 
in  former  years,  organized  the  Boshin  Club,  which  is 
usually  spoken  of  in  English  as  the  “Commercial  Club.” 


PARTIES  AND  GOVERNMENT  371 


This  faction  comprised  forty-two  members.  The  old 
Progressive  Party  had  a strength  of  sixty-six. 

The  policy  of  friendly  neutrality,  assumed  by  the 
Seiyukai  continued  throughout  the  session  which  ended 
in  March,  1910.  This  attitude  of  the  controlling  party 
allowed  the  Government  to  carry  its  budget  and  other 
administration  measures  without  difficulty.  The  some- 
what irresolute  and  ambiguous  position  of  the  leading 
party,  however,  led  to  a great  deal  of  unrest  and  shifting 
among  the  other  groups,  who  seemed  to  feel  that  the  Sei- 
yukai had  no  distinct  policy  and  could,  therefore,  success- 
fully be  broken  up,  if  a strong,  united  party  were  formed 
in  opposition  to  it.  Finally,  in  March,  1910,  a new  party 
was  organized  bearing  the  name  of  “Constitutional  Na- 
tionalists” and  uniting  under  its  control  ninety-two 
members  of  the  Diet.  The  core  of  this  organization  con- 
sists of  the  old  Progressives,  who  came  over  almost  in  a 
body;  other  elements  are  drawn  from  the  Yushinkai  and 
the  Commercial  Club.  At  the  time  when  this  combina- 
tion was  being  organized,  the  Daido  Club  expanded  by 
incorporating  a majority  of  the  commercial  members, 
together  with  some  independents;  it  is  now  known  as  the 
Chuo,  or  Central  Club. 

When  the  Diet  opened  again  in  December,  1910,  the 
Seiyukai  still  had  two  hundred  and  five  members,  an 
absolute  majority  of  thirty-six.  Yet  there  was  consider- 
able unrest  within  the  party  itself,  and  it  was  beginning 
to  be  attacked,  not  only  from  without,  but  from  within. 


372  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


In  order  to  avoid  having  the  whole  parliamentary  situa- 
tion thrown  into  confusion,  Marquis  Katsura  now  came 
out  openly  and  invited  the  Seiyukai  to  a more  definite 
alliance.  At  the  formal  banquet  at  which  this  new  alli- 
ance between  government  and  party  was  announced  and 
received  its  sanction,  Marquis  Katsura  expressed  his  ad- 
miration for  the  moderation  and  the  resolute  attitude 
of  the  Seiyukai  and  his  appreciation  of  their  valuable 
aid  in  the  past.  “ In  a time  calling  earnestly  for  admin- 
istrative reform  and  for  measures  calculated  to  main- 
tain the  peace  of  the  East,  there  should  be  complete 
unanimity  in  striving  for  the  nation’s  benefit.”  His  sent- 
iments were  reciprocated  in  the  speech  of  Marquis 
Saionji,  who  expressed  the  hope  that  by  cooperation  be- 
tween his  party  and  the  Government  the  final  success  of 
constitutional  institutions  might  be  achieved.  The  in- 
terpretation given  to  this  action  in  contemporary  discus- 
sion was  agreed  in  acknowledging  the  significance  of  the 
change  of  attitude  in  Marquis  Katsura  and  his  group, 
who  had  hitherto  strenuously  opposed  the  idea  of  party 
government.  But  while  some  publicists  viewed  the 
action  as  dictated  merely  by  the  necessities  of  the  mo- 
ment, others  saw  in  it  a step  as  important  as  that  taken 
by  Marquis  Ito,  when,  in  1900,  he  descended  into  the 
field  of  party  politics  and  organized  the  Seiyukai.  The 
action  of  Marquis  Katsura  seemed  to  indicate  that  the 
attitude  of  the  House  of  Peers  and  of  the  elder  statesmen 
had  become  more  favorable  to  the  idea  of  party  control ; 


PARTIES  AND  GOVERNMENT 


373 


at  last  they  appeared  to  have  recognized  that  legislative 
anarchy  could  be  avoided  only  by  encouraging  the 
growth  of  permanent,  responsible  party  groupings.  The 
restrained  and  helpful  attitude  of  the  Seiyukai,  even 
when  it  represented  the  Cabinet,  had  gained  the  respect 
of  the  upper  house.  It  would  undoubtedly  be  premature 
to  see  in  this  step  the  definitive  establishment  of  govern- 
ment by  party,  centred  in  the  lower  house.  The  focus  of 
government  is  still  the  administration  controlled  by  the 
Privy  Council.  But  the  leaders  in  Japanese  government 
are  evidently  willing  to  give  more  heed  to  matured  public 
opinion  expressing  itself  in  organized  parties  within  the 
Diet.  No  immediate  cabinet  changes  followed  upon  the 
announcement  of  the  new  alliance,  although  early  in 
March,  1911,  the  Cabinet,  as  well  as  the  Seiyukai,  were 
greatly  agitated  by  a controversy  concerning  school- 
readers.  It  throws  light  upon  the  political  sentiments  of 
Japan  to  know  that  a statement  contained  in  a school- 
book, concerning  the  legitimacy  of  the  northern  and 
southern  courts  in  Japan  six  hundred  years  ago,  could 
for  a while  become  the  most  momentous  political  ques- 
tion by  which  even  portfolios  in  the  Cabinet  were 
endangered. 

During  the  entire  period  of  government  under  the 
Constitution,  the  opposition  parties  have  made  it  a prac- 
tice to  urge  and  press  the  Government  to  pursue  a strong 
foreign  policy.  In  appealing  to  the  patriotism  of  the  na- 
tion, they  attempted  to  gain  a double  advantage,  on  the 


374  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


one  hand,  embarrassing  the  Government  in  the  conduct 
of  affairs,  on  the  other,  standing  before  the  people  as  the 
watchful  guardians  of  national  rights.  But  such  a posi- 
tion assumed  by  parties  in  opposition,  who  are  avowedly 
struggling  for  the  principle  of  ministerial  responsibility, 
carries  with  it  manifest  dangers  to  the  accomplishment 
of  their  main  purpose.  If  the  people  are  encouraged  to 
demand  what  is  called  a strong  foreign  policy,  if  their 
attention  is  concentrated  on  foreign  affairs,  the  field 
wherein  party  influence  may  normally  and  consistently 
be  exercised  is  of  necessity  neglected.  A warlike  policy 
always  strengthens  the  executive  at  the  expense  of  the 
legislative  branch,  because  it  demands  secret  counsel  and 
quick  action.  The  English  parties,  which  have  been  the 
model  for  party  life  in  Japan  as  well  as  elsewhere,  have 
generally  abstained  from  carrying  the  political  struggle 
into  the  domain  of  foreign  affairs.  Unless  parties  can  find 
a sufficient  basis  for  action  in  domestic  matters,  they 
may  be  said  to  have  confessed  a failure  to  realize  the 
possibilities  and  limitations  of  party  action. 

During  the  difficulties  occasioned  by  the  San  Fran- 
cisco school  situation,  the  Progressive  Party  assumed 
the  position  that  the  Japanese  Government  was  dilatory 
in  safeguarding  the  interests  of  the  Japanese  abroad. 
The  standing  committee  of  this  party  has  repeatedly  is- 
sued manifestoes  criticizing  the  Cabinet  for  its  supposed 
lack  of  vigor.  This  attitude  was  imposed  upon  the  party 
by  its  more  extreme  wing  led  by  Mr.  Oishi ; the  moderate 


PARTIES  AND  GOVERNMENT 


373 


section  seemed  to  realize  the  danger  of  introducing  party 
criticism  into  the  domain  of  foreign  affairs  during  such  a 
delicate  situation.  The  responsibility  for  this  action  of  the 
Progressives  must,  however,  also  be  shared  by  Count 
Okuma,  who  took  a very  strong  position  in  this  matter, 
though  he  was  more  logical  than  his  followers  in  facing 
the  consequences  of  an  assertive  foreign  policy  upon 
national  finance.  His  views  were  reflected  in  the  Hochi 
Shimbun,  the  leading  Progressive  journal,  which,  how- 
ever, took  an  unduly  alarmist  view  of  the  situation.  The 
Daido  Club  played  a somewhat  temporizing  part  in  this 
matter.  Its  manifestoes  dealt  in  general  phrases  counsel- 
ing patience,  but  in  the  same  breath  criticizing  the  dila- 
tory policy  of  the  Government.  It  is  interesting  to  note 
that,  even  during  the  recesses  of  the  Diet,  parties  con- 
tinue to  act  formally  on  political  matters  through  their 
general  committees,  which  meet  at  Tokyo  for  discussion 
and  issue  manifestoes  as  occasion  demands. 

The  Progressive,  now  transformed  into  the  Constitu- 
tional Nationalist  Party,  has,  of  all  political  organiza- 
tions in  Japan,  shown  most  permanence  and  cohesion. 
This  has  been  due  to  the  genial  leadership  and  powerful 
personality  of  Count  Okuma.  Although  in  office  for  less 
than  two  years  during  his  whole  parliamentary  career, 
he  succeeded  in  inspiring  his  followers  with  such  per- 
sonal devotion  that  they  continued  their  exertions  in 
political  life  in  the  face  of  great  discouragements  and 
without  hope  of  immediate  reward.  But  dissensions 


376  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


which  had  arisen  in  the  party  took  on  a somewhat  serious 
aspect  at  the  beginning  of  1907.  They  were  largely  per- 
sonal in  nature,  being  occasioned  by  the  ambitions  of 
two  younger  leaders,  Messrs.  Oishi  and  Inukai;  but 
questions  of  decentralization,  of  military  policy,  and  of 
financial  retrenchment  were  also  involved.  It  was 
finally  decided  in  the  council  of  the  party  that  Count 
Okuma  should  resign  from  the  party  leadership,  and 
action  in  that  sense  was  taken.  The  Count  looked  upon 
the  matter  in  a most  impartial  and  modest  way,  and 
declared  it  desirable  that  a more  active  and  vigorous  pro- 
paganda should  be  carried  on  under  the  direction  of 
younger  men.  He  assured  his  followers  that,  while  form- 
ally retiring,  he  would  always  continue  heart  and  soul 
in  the  work  of  the  Progressive  Party. 

The  retirement  of  Count  Okuma  was  cited  as  a fur- 
ther proof  of  the  hopeless  outlook  of  party  government 
in  Japan.  Many  of  his  followers  had  undoubtedly  be- 
come impatient  with  long  waiting,  and  pinned  their  hope 
to  a change  in  leadership,  though  it  is  difficult  to  see  how 
another  leader  can  succeed  in  doing  more  for  them  than 
Count  Okuma  accomplished.  A man  of  great  political 
insight  and  experience,  he  always  strove  to  give  dignity 
and  responsibility  to  the  action  of  his  party.  It  seemed 
to  him  worth  while  that  there  should  be  a centre  for  pro- 
gressive opinion,  even  if  the  succession  to  actual  political 
power  should  be  indefinitely  delayed.  As  a statesman  he 
always  showed  a strong  grasp  of  political  problems  in 


PARTIES  AND  GOVERNMENT 


377 


their  organic  relations.  He  was,  therefore,  never  a radi- 
cal like  Itagaki,  nor  did  he  ever  push  a single  policy  with- 
out considering  its  relation  to  other  branches  of  political 
life.  His  resignation  was  avowedly  brought  about  be- 
cause he  insisted  that  it  was  not  advisable  to  favor 
great  increase  in  the  armament  without  thoroughly  re- 
constructing the  financial  system  of  the  country.  Like  his 
great  rival,  Prince  Ito,  he  has  served  his  country  by 
bringing  it  to  a consciousness  of  what  is  meant  by  public 
policy.  He  will  for  a long  time  remain  a living  force,  and 
if  Japan  is  to  hold  the  place.she  has  gained  and  harmoni- 
ously to  develop  her  national  life,  his  counsels  will  have 
to  be  taken  into  account  by  the  nation  and  its  leaders. 

The  great  statesman  who,  throughout  the  last  three 
decades  up  to  the  time  of  his  death,  exercised  altogether 
the  most  constant  and  pervading  influence  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Japanese  nation  and  in  its  political  life,  was 
also  one  of  those  men  whose  characters  profoundly  im- 
press the  imagination  of  their  contemporaries.  It  will  be 
interesting  to  see  how  Prince  Ito  was  judged  by  his  most 
prominent  rival  and  competitor  for  ascendency  over 
Japanese  public  opinion.  Count  Okuma  has  written  of 
him  as  follows : 1 — 

“As  a politician  Prince  Ito  was  certainly  a very  great 
man,  and  to  me  it  always  appeared  that  his  greatness 
was  attributable  to  two  mental  qualities  that  he  pos- 
sessed. One  was  the  most  remarkable  versatility,  the 
1 Translated  in  the  Japan  Weekly  Mail. 


378  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


other  was  a conciliatory  spirit.  Successful  statesmanship 
depends  on  a minute  knowledge  of  all  that  affects  the 
people  governed,  of  all  that  might  render  any  proposed 
policy  a success  or  a failure;  armaments,  diplomacy, 
finance,  education,  religion,  popular  feelings,  customs, 
— a statesman  should  study  them  all.  And  this  the  late 
Prince  did.  His  minute  acquaintance  with  the  details  of 
so  many  different  subjects  rendered  him  in  most  cases 
a safe  guide.  Statesmen  like  Prince  Ito  are  very  rare  in 
this  country  to-day.  We  have  a good  many  brilliant  pol- 
iticians in  our  midst,  but  their  range  of  vision  is  very 
limited ; they  do  not  take  in  the  whole  field ; they  are  mere 
specialists  and  they  lack  common  sense.  Prince  Ito’s 
conciliatory  spirit  was  one  of  the  most  useful  as  well  as 
the  most  beautiful  traits  of  his  character.  Numerous 
indeed  are  the  conflicting  elements  in  politics.  The  men 
out  of  power  are  always  attempting  to  pick  holes  in  the 
policy  of  those  who  hold  the  reins  of  government.  Those 
in  power  are  too  often  anxious  to  escape  responsibility 
and  to  put  the  blame  of  their  maladministration  on 
others.  Then  there  is  the  element  of  personal  ambition 
which  is  never  absent  from  politics  and  which  often  helps 
on  good  government,  because,  in  order  to  shine,  men 
have  to  avoid  making  mistakes.  With  all  the  influences 
that  tend  to  divide  politicians,  the  presence  of  a man  like 
the  late  Prince  Ito  to  smooth  over  differences,  to  pour 
oil  on  the  troubled  waters,  contributed  greatly  to  that 
peaceful  cooperation  for  the  attainment  of  great  ends 


PARTIES  AND  GOVERNMENT 


379 


which  has  so  often  been  witnessed  in  this  country  during 
the  past  few  decades.  Though  Prince  Ito  when  in  power 
had  sufficient  personal  ambition  to  make  him  try  his  best 
to  make  a success  of  his  administration,  his  devotion  to 
the  state  was  such  that  he  was  always  ready  to  give  place 
to  others  when  circumstances  seemed  to  indicate  that 
this  was  the  wisest  course  to  follow.”  1 

1 A most  interesting  comparison  of  the  characters  of  Ito  and 
Okuma  has  been  made  by  Mr.  Setsurei  Miyake  (translated  in  the 
Japan  Weekly  Mail).  “Both  these  statesmen  have  labored  hard 
to  plant  constitutional  government  in  the  country.  Which  of  the 
principles  for  which  they  contended  will  win,  it  is  perhaps  too 
early  to  determine.  But  a comparison  of  the  two  men  may  prove 
of  interest.  In  physical  strength  and  health  they  were  about  the 
same.  They  often  drank  sake  together,  and  Count  Okuma  on 
these  occasions  was  able  to  stand  more  liquor  than  the  Prince.  In 
activity  and  in  spirit  they  were  alike.  They  both  possessed  an 
enormous  amount  of  practical  wisdom,  and  the  capacity  of  each 
for  imbibing  new  knowledge  was  about  equal.  The  Prince  often 
went  abroad,  but  Count  Okuma  has  remained  at  home.  The 
Prince  was  a great  reader  of  Chinese  and  English  original  work 
but  the  Count’s  clear  ideas  on  numbers  of  subjects  have  all  been 
acquired  by  studying  translations.  At  the  age  of  seventy,  the 
Prince  was  a match  in  argument  for  men  in  their  prime,  and  the 
Count  is  still  this,  though  over  seventy.  Their  minds  taken  as  a 
whole  were  much  alike,  and  which  was  the  stronger  of  the  two  it  is 
difficult  to  determine.  In  the  practical  uses  to  which  he  put  his 
knowledge,  the  Count  went  beyond  the  Prince,  but  the  Prince 
was  more  wary  and  laid  his  plans  in  such  a way  that  his  opponents 
could  not  take  him  at  a disadvantage.  They  both  understood 
learned  subjects  as  well  as  men  who  are  known  as  scholars,  but 
neither  of  them  had  the  ways  of  academicians.  In  analytic 
power  the  minds  of  both  were  deficient,  it  was  in  perceptive 
power  that  they  so  excelled.  In  moral  character  they  resembled 
each  other  more  than  most  people  suppose.  In  money  matters  the 
Count  has  been  considered  to  be  a hoarder,  a man  who  liked 


380  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


It  is  apparent  that  the  party  system  has  not  fully 
been  tried  as  yet  in  Japan,  as  parties  have  not  been  called 
upon  to  carry  out  a constructive  policy  for  any  length  of 
time.  Constructive  political  action  has  been  in  the  hands 
of  the  elder  statesmen  of  the  Government.  This  situa- 
tion of  itself  has  tended  to  render  party  action  irrespons- 
ible, and  to  reduce  party  principles  to  mere  generalities. 
The  latter  result  has  also  been  favored  by  the  desire  on 
the  part  of  opposition  parties  to  ally  themselves  with 
other  factions  for  the  purpose  of  securing  greater  influ- 
ence. A policy  specific  in  detail  would  stand  in  the  way 

money  for  its  own  sake,  and  the  Prince’s  indifference  to  money 
has  been  paraded  before  the  public  as  though  it  were  a virtue. 
This  kind  of  criticism  is  all  very  shallow.  The  Count  has  un- 
doubtedly accumulated  money  from  time  to  time,  but  it  has  been 
with  the  object  of  spending  it  on  good  causes.  Want  of  sufficient 
means  has  been  and  probably  is  to-day  the  one  cause  of  his  inac- 
tivity in  certain  directions.  Additions  to  his  income  have  always 
meant  the  development  of  new  enterprises  with  Count  Okuma.  If 
he  saves,  he  saves  to  spend.  Turning  to  Prince  Ito,  if  he  was,  as 
people  represent,  indifferent  to  money,  it  was  because  he  could 
afford  to  be  indifferent  to  it,  knowing  where  to  go  for  as  much  as 
he  required.  In  any  enterprises  that  he  wished  to  carry  out,  he 
never  wanted  for  money.  To  say  that  he  was  not  avaricious 
simply  means  that  he  had  no  desire  to  lay  up  large  sums  of  money 
for  himself  or  even  for  his  family.  But  the  same  thing  can  be  said 
of  Count  Okuma.  As  regards  the  conduct  of  the  two  statesmen, 
one  has  to  remember  the  characteristics  of  the  age  in  which  they 
were  brought  up  and  the  habits  of  the  men  with  whom  they  asso- 
ciated throughout  their  lives.  In  whatever  dissipation  the  late 
Prince  indulged,  it  never  interfered  with  the  arduous  duties  he 
performed.  The  hours  he  spent  in  sleep  were  few,  and  though  con- 
stantly in  the  company  of  women,  he  never  allowed  them  to 
occupy  time  that  was  not  his  own  to  give.” 


PARTIES  AND  GOVERNMENT 


381 


of  such  alliances,  and  has  therefore  generally  been 
avoided.  The  persistent  prosecution  of  certain  definite 
political  ends  expressed  in  specific  principles  has  not 
characterized  Japanese  parties.  They  have  rather  been 
personal  followings  of  important  leaders,  like  Count 
Itagaki  or  Count  Okuma,  or  they  have  been  brought 
together  temporarily  by  the  hunger  for  political  spoils. 
Much  inconsistency  is  also  found ; prominent  men  change 
their  affiliations  in  an  unexplained  manner,  and  leaders 
are  deserted  without  much  consideration. 

But  we  must  look  at  the  institutions  through  and  in 
which  parties  are  active  in  order  to  understand  their 
limitations.  The  Diet  itself  is  an  institution  superficially 
grafted  upon  the  Japanese  body  politic.  Its  tenure  has 
been  most  uncertain.  Counting  the  general  election  of 
1908,  there  have  taken  place  nine  elections  in  eighteen 
years,  only  two  of  which  were  regular  elections  following 
the  expiration  of  the  full  term  of  four  years.  Many  of  the 
sessions  of  the  Diet  have  lasted  for  only  a few  weeks  or 
even  days.  The  conditions  of  the  franchise  are  such  that 
only  sixteen  out  of  every  thousand  inhabitants  are  en- 
titled to  vote,  the  entire  electorate  numbering  757,000. 
The  financial  powers  of  the  Diet  are  very  circumscribed. 
In  the  most  recent  sessions  there  has  been  little  debate 
upon  the  budget.  Thus,  the  budget  of  1906,  carrying  ap- 
propriations of  600,000,000  yen,  was  voted  after  a dis- 
cussion of  three  hours.  As  a matter  of  fact,  the  real  work 
of  the  House  is  done  in  its  committees.  The  Budget 


382  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Commission,  composed  of  sixty  members  representing 
all  factions,  carefully  goes  over  the  financial  legislation 
and  discusses  it  with  members  of  the  Ministry  of 
Finance.  When  the  balance  of  parties  is  favorable,  the 
action  of  the  Commission  practically  disposes  of  the 
matter. 

During  the  first  years  of  its  existence  the  House  of 
Representatives  promised  to  become  a great  forum  for 
debate.  Brilliant  speakers  like  Takanashi  Tetsushiro, 
Inouye  Kakugoro,  Osake  Yukio,  and  Shimada  Saburo, 
won  national  prominence  by  their  oratorical  talents. 
But  when  the  real  impotence  of  the  House  became  ap- 
parent, a blight  fell  upon  oratorical  effort  and  the  ros- 
trum was  more  and  more  deserted.  Matters  were  settled 
in  the  committees  and  in  the  lobbies,  and  every  other 
kind  of  influence  seemed  to  be  more  powerful  than 
rational  persuasion.  Charges  of  corruption  are  very  fre- 
quent. They  have  at  times  been  admitted  by  individual 
members  with  cynical  effrontery,  and  Count  Okuma  has 
repeatedly  bewailed  the  corruption  in  the  constituencies, 
which  recalls  the  Walpolian  era  in  England.  Notwith- 
standing such  discouraging  conditions,  a certain  ad- 
vance seems  to  have  been  made  through  the  education 
of  public  opinion  in  matters  of  government;  but  this 
advance  is  beset  on  all  sides  by  dangers  created  through 
misunderstanding  and  hostile  feeling. 

The  House  of  Representatives  is,  however,  not  alone 
to  be  considered.  It  is  associated  with  the  House  of  Peers, 


PARTIES  AND  GOVERNMENT 


383 


a thoroughly  conservative  force.  The  majority  of  the 
nobility  itself  are  strongly  adverse  to  party  government, 
nor  is  a different  opinion  held  by  the  imperial  nominees 
and  the  great  taxpayers,  who  make  up  the  rest  of  the 
upper  chamber.  Being  more  closely  in  touch  with  the 
Government,  the  House  of  Peers  has  more  real  power  by 
far  than  the  House  of  Representatives. 

We  must  also  consider  the  other  elements  of  the  Con- 
stitution in  order  to  appreciate  the  full  bearings  of  the 
party  idea  upon  general  political  life  in  Japan.  The  apex 
and  centre  of  the  Japanese  Government  is  the  Throne, 
about  which  are  grouped  all  the  hierarchies  of  official- 
dom. The  Constitution  has  embodied  and  made  per- 
manent the  old  Shinto  belief  in  the  heavenly  descent 
and  personal  divinity  of  the  Mikado.  The  character  of 
this  portion  of  Japanese  constitutional  law  is  indicated 
by  the  following  passage  from  Marquis  Ito’s  Commen- 
taries on  the  Japanese  Constitution:  “The  Sacred  Throne 
was  established  at  the  time  the  heavens  and  the  earth 
became  separated.  The  Emperor  is  Heaven-descended, 
divine,  and  sacred.  He  is  preeminent  above  all  his  sub- 
jects. He  must  be  reverenced,  and  is  inviolable.  He  has 
indeed,  to  pay  due  respect  to  the  law,  but  the  law  has  no 
power  to  hold  him  accountable  to  it.  Not  only  shall  there 
be  no  irreverence  for  the  Emperor’s  person,  but  also 
shall  he  not  be  made  a topic  for  derogatory  comment  nor 
one  of  discussion.”  As  long  as  the  conception  embodied 
in  this  extract  is  still  a living  force  in  Japanese  politics, 


384  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


the  centre  of  gravity  will  not  be  shifted  from  the  Govern- 
ment to  the  popular  representation  in  the  Diet. 

The  Throne  is  surrounded  and  supported  by  the 
Genro,  or  elder  statesmen.  For  forty  years  (since  the 
restoration  of  the  Emperor)  this  group  of  leaders,  con- 
stantly dwindling  but  essentially  permanent  in  person- 
nel and  ideas,  has  supported  the  burden  of  responsibil- 
ity. It  is  they  who  have  piloted  the  Japanese  state  and 
people  in  their  perilous  passage  from  the  old  to  the  new 
civilization.  They  have  combined  great  foresight  in 
matters  of  international  development  and  foreign  inter- 
course with  constructive  talent  which  has  enabled  them 
at  the  proper  time  to  create  the  means  and  measures  for 
domestic  progress.  All  this  they  did  under  the  weight  of 
constant  popular  opposition  and  misunderstanding. 
Steadied  by  the  traditions  of  Japanese  civilization  and  by 
their  personal  allegiance  to  the  Throne,  loyal  to  one  an- 
other, they  quietly  and  firmly  carried  out  a consistent 
policy  leading  to  a more  efficient  organization  of  the 
Japanese  state. 

Their  cohesion  is  explained  by  the  fact  that  they  be- 
longed to  the  clans  who  had  originally  supported  the 
imperial  restoration.  Even  now,  when  only  four  or  five 
of  the  original  Genro  survive,  they,  as  well  as  nearly  all 
their  important  followers,  are  taken  from  a small  num- 
ber of  clans.  Thus,  Choshu  has  furnished  I to,  Yamagata, 
Inouye,  Katsura,  Hayashi,  and  numerous  other  leaders. 
The  two  principal  representatives  of  Satsuma  are  Mar- 


PARTIES  AND  GOVERNMENT  385 


quis  Oyaraa  and  Count  Matsukata.  Hizen,  with  Count 
Okuraa,  and  Tosa,  with  Count  Itagaki,  have  furnished 
the  brains  and  impulse  of  the  opposition.  Added  to  the 
principle  of  clan  allegiance  is  that  of  personal  leadership. 
All  of  these  men,  Yamagata,  Ito,  Okuma,  and  others, 
have  a large  personal  following,  attracted  by  their  per- 
sonal qualities.  They  begin  the  recruiting  of  a following 
in  good  season,  among  the  promising  students  of  the 
Japanese  universities.  Count  Okuma  has  long  been  the 
patron,  and  has  now  become  the  President,  of  Waseda 
University;  and  similarly  the  ultra-conservative  Mar- 
quis Yamagata  looks  after  the  education  of  young  men 
through  whom  he  hopes  to  secure  the  future  advance  of 
his  policies. 

The  institution  through  which  the  Genro  or  elder 
statesmen  have  chiefly  exercised  their  influence  is  the 
Privy  Council.  Throughout  the  warlike  period  of  the 
last  decade  this  body  has  stood  above  the  Cabinet,  and, 
as  the  direct  adviser  of  the  Emperor,  has  been  the  real 
guardian  of  the  destinies  of  Japan.  Its  most  influential 
members  were  Ito,  Yamagata,  and  Matsukata.  The 
prominence  of  Field  Marshal  Marquis  Yamagata,  who  is 
also  the  leading  member  of  the  supreme  military  council, 
indicates  the  importance  of  the  army  organization  in  the 
Japanese  state.  Indeed,  economic  and  political  life  must 
subordinate  itself  to  the  efficiency  of  the  military  ma- 
chine. As  already  indicated,  these  leaders  have  not  at  all 
times  been  able  to  count  on  the  united  support  of  the 


386  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


Japanese  nation.  Very  bitter  attacks  have  from  time  to 
time  been  made  upon  them,  and  they  have  frequently 
been  in  personal  danger  on  account  of  the  traditional 
popular  feeling  among  the  Japanese  that  it  is  a worthy 
act  to  put  out  of  the  way  a man  who  is  unjust  or  tyran- 
nical, provided  the  assailant  is  ready  to  expiate  his  deed 
with  his  own  life.  Most  of  the  prominent  Japanese  states- 
men have  at  one  time  or  another  been  threatened  by  the 
hand  of  the  assassin.  Okubo  was  killed  by  a reactionary, 
and  Viscount  Mori  fell  at  the  hands  of  an  enraged  Shinto 
follower,  in  1889.  Count  Itagaki  was  stabbed  by  a 
young  Hotspur,  and  Count  Okuma  had  his  leg  taken  off 
in  a bomb  attack  when,  in  1888,  he  was  negotiating  the 
treaties  for  the  abolition  of  exterritoriality.  Toru  Hoshi 
was  killed  for  attempting  to  introduce  methods  resem- 
bling those  of  American  party  organization  and  boss- 
dom  in  Tokyo.  Other  prominent  victims  of  this  prac- 
tice were  Yokoi,  Omura,  and  Hirosawa.  Such  attacks, 
as  well  as  occasional  riotous  outbursts,  are  a constant 
warning  to  the  men  in  power  that  public  opinion  cannot 
be  ignored.  It  would  indeed  seem  an  inevitable  conclu- 
sion that  it  would  be  far  better  to  foster  the  action  of 
public  opinion  through  regular  and  responsible  organi- 
zations than  to  risk  such  destructive  outbursts  of  law- 
lessness. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  problem  of  organizing  public 
opinion  so  as  to  make  it  truly  helpful  to  the  government 
of  the  state  is  still  far  from  its  solution  in  Japan.  The 


PARTIES  AND  GOVERNMENT 


387 


Japanese  state  is,  in  fact,  remarkable  chiefly  on  account 
of  the  effective  organization  of  authority.  As  in  Russia, 
though  with  a great  difference,  public  action  rests  on  the 
principle  of  authority  rather  than  on  popular  consent. 
Authority  itself  is  supported  by  the  traditions  of  the 
Empire,  by  the  military  organization,  made  constantly 
more  effective  on  account  of  the  foreign  relations  of 
Japan,  by  clan  cohesion,  which  itself  is  the  principle  of 
authority  working  on  a smaller  area,  and  finally  by  the 
wisdom  and  experience  of  the  representatives  of  author- 
ity and  their  notable  success  in  augmenting  the  power  of 
the  state.  The  other  principle  which  ought  to  be  present 
in  a modern  popular  state,  that  of  consent,  has  no  cor- 
responding organization  or  support.  The  creation  of  a 
parliament,  indeed,  raised  hopes  of  popular  control;  but 
while  parliamentarism  has  been  disappointing  in  all  parts 
of  the  world,  it  has  been  especially  ineffectual  in  Japan. 
Japan  lacks  the  strong  and  independent  spirit  of  a 
middle  class  which  might  make  the  Diet  the  centre  and 
organ  of  its  influence.  The  parliamentarians,  having 
been  confined  to  the  barren  task  of  opposition,  lack 
experience  in  practical  administration  and  constructive 
activity.  Their  inexperience  often  leads  them  to  demand 
the  unattainable,  and  impairs  their  influence  and  weight 
with  the  nation  as  a whole.  The  international  relations 
in  which  Japan  has  found  herself,  necessitating  a strong 
armament  and  repeated  wars,  have  also  been  extremely 
unfavorable  to  the  development  of  popular  rights.  It 


388  CURRENTS  IN  THE  FAR  EAST 


is  therefore  both  illogical  and  impolitic  for  the  opposi- 
tion to  favor  an  aggressive  foreign  policy  and  to  urge  the 
Government  on  to  warlike  demonstrations.  A national 
party  system  can  develop  only  in  an  era  of  peace  and 
domestic  progress. 

Opinions  may  differ  as  to  whether  the  absence  of  a 
strong  parliament  is  a source  of  strength  or  weakness  to 
the  Japanese  state  as  a whole.  Foreign  relations  can  at 
present  be  handled  with  great  secrecy  and  expedition, 
and  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  country  has  been  rapidly 
advancing  in  general  prosperity.  But  it  remains  very 
doubtful  whether  the  principle  of  authority  alone  can 
ever  be  a safe  basis  for  state  life.  In  Japan  it  threatens 
to  become  excessively  developed.  The  Japanese  state  is, 
in  fact,  not  only  military  and  bureaucratic,  but  also 
monopolistic.  Railways,  manufacturing  and  distribut- 
ing agencies,  and  financial  institutions  are  directly  owned, 
or  at  least  controlled,  by  the  Government.  A formidable 
machine  is  thus  being  created,  at  the  risk,  it  is  to  be 
feared,  of  impeding  spontaneous  national  development. 
It  is  here  that  the  value  of  a well-organized  public  opin- 
ion is  to  be  sought.  Responsible  and  truly  influential,  it 
would  keep  the  Government  in  touch  with  the  vital  forces 
of  the  nation,  so  that  there  might  be  avoided  the  build- 
ing up  of  a lifeless  mechanism,  temporarily  efficient,  but 
in  the  long  run  bound  to  become  a disastrous  impedi- 
ment to  the  freedom  and  progress  of  the  people. 


INDEX 


INDEX 


Adi  Somaj,  100. 

“Aggressive  Hinduism,  ” 46. 
Aligarh  College,  90. 

Ameer  Ali,  Justice,  114. 
Ancestor  Worship,  16,  19. 
Ariga,  Dr.  A.,  800. 

Aristocratic  morality,  55. 
Arnold,  Sir  E.,  811. 

Art,  Oriental,  25,  30. 

Arya  Somaj,  100. 

Aryan  ideas,  36. 

Asiatic  Society,  97. 

Babuism,  79. 

Bakin,  273. 

Balfour,  Mr.  A.,  on  the  electrical 
theory  of  matter,  11. 

Bankim,  Chandra  C.,  86,  87,  92. 
Bengal  Academy,  82. 

Bengali  literature,  82,  99. 
Bhagavad  Gita,  44,  121. 
BjOrnson,  109. 

Bose,  Amritalal,  87. 

Bose,  A.  M.,  103. 

Bose,  Dr.  J.  C.,  91. 

Bose,  P.  N.,  93. 

Brahmanism,  28. 

Brahmo  Somaj,  85,  98  ff. 
Buddha  and  Buddhism,  9,  12, 
13, 15,  20,  21,  24, 25.  28,  30,  31, 
37,  39,  42,  48,  93, 146,  148, 153, 
155,  277,285,  290. 

Bushido,  53,  288,  297,  339. 
Byron,  328. 

Carus,  Dr.  Paul,  125. 

Chang  Chih-tung,  152,  196,  199, 
213,  219. 


Chang  Pin-lin,  147. 

China,  Literature,  38  ; pacifism, 
49,  124  ; militarism,  51  ; dem- 
ocracy, 25,  55, 116,  256  ; tradi- 
tional political  ideals,  116  ff.  ; 
martyrdom,  142,  208 ; conserv- 
ative party,  152  ; journalism, 
159 ; political  associations, 
162,  255  ; drama,  165  ff.  ; 
literary  work,  163 ; revolu- 
tionary party,  170  ; students 
from  Japan,  172  ff.  ; reform, 
175  ff.  ; lack  of  leadership, 
180;  education,  187;  public 
school  system,  196 ; female  ed- 
ucation, 207  ; abolition  of  old 
education,  211  ff. ; parliament, 
225  ; “ National  Humiliation 
Societies,  ” 227  ; middle  class, 
231 ; preparation  of  constitu- 
tion, 236  ; provincial  assem- 
blies, 237,  239  ff.  ; electorate, 
238  ; association  of  the  assem- 
blies, 242  ; national  assembly, 
244  ff.  ; earlier  summoning  of 
parliament,  247 ; finance,  251, 
257  ; provincial  independence, 
263 ; federal  government,  264 ; 
government  by  equipoise, 
266. 

Chinese  character,  193,  218. 

Chinese  language,  191,  221. 

Chinese  “Oxford  movement,” 
152. 

Ching,  Prince,  254. 

Chomei,  37. 

Chow  Li,  125  ff. 

Christian  Science,  284. 


392 


INDEX 


Christianity,  10,  185,  287,  290, 
339. 

Chuo  ( Central  Club ),  371. 

Classicism,  Western,  17,  55. 

Colloquial  and  classical  Japan- 
ese, 302,  323. 

Commission  for  the  study  of 
constitutional  government, 
233  ff. 

Confucius  and  Confucianism,  9, 
13,  16,  30,  116,  120,  122,  148, 
150,  152,  184,  199,  239,  288, 
290. 

Constitution  for  China,  236. 

Constitutional  Nationalist  party 
( Japan  ),  371,  375. 

Curzon,  Lord,  4. 

Dagh,  Nawab  Mirza  Khan,  86. 

Daido  Club,  368,  371,  375. 

Danjuro  ( actor  ),  318. 

Das,  Tulsi,  86. 

Death,  Greek  portrayal  of,  18. 

Democracy,  Chinese,  52,  55, 148, 
256. 

Despotism,  Oriental,  24. 

Dinabandhu,  86. 

Dostojevski,  58,  323. 

Drama,  in  India,  87  ; in  Japan, 
314  ff. 

Dutt,  A.  K.,  85. 

Dutt,  Romesh  C.,  77,  82,  93. 

Dutt,  Toru,  77. 

Edokko  type,  328. 

Elder  statesmen,  361,  384. 

Elections  in  China,  239. 

Empress  Dowager,  229. 

Endo  Ryukichi,  298. 

Energism  in  the  Orient,  41  ff. 

English  novels  in  Japan,  327. 

Equipoise  in  Chinese  govern- 
ment, 226. 

Ethical  ideals,  Indian,  42. 


Ethical  teaching’in  Japan,  92  ff. 
Examinations  in  China,  211  ff. 

Ferguson  College,  91. 

Financial  questions  in  China, 
251,  257. 

Firdusi,  23. 

French  influence  in  Japan,  357. 
French  Revolution,  172,  218. 
Fukuzawa,  338,  347. 

Fukuchi,  338. 

Gembun  itchi  (colloquial  Japan- 
ese), 304,  323. 

Genro  (elder  statesmen),  361, 
384. 

German  educational  materials  in 
China,  222. 

German  thought  in  Japan,  340, 
348. 

Ghalib,  86. 

Ghokale,  G.  K.,  107,  113,  115. 
Ghose,  N.,  77. 

Ghose,  Girish  C.,  87. 

Ghose,  Lalmohun,  113. 

Ghose,  R.  B.,  113. 

Goethe,  38,  109,  327. 

Goreh,  Nilakantha,  10. 

Gorky,  323,  351. 

Great  Council  in  China,  248. 
Greek  city,  16. 

Haikai  (Japanese  verse),  312, 

314. 

Hart,  Sir  Robert,  257. 
ITasagawa,  321,  323. 

Hawkins,  Horatio  B.,  167. 
Ilearn,  Lafcadio,  13,  346,  349. 
Heredia,  315. 

Higuchi,  Icliyo,  323. 

Hinduism,  42,  46,  48. 

Hindustan  Review,  78. 
Hindustani.  84. 

Historic  studies,  92,  158,  300. 


INDEX 


393 


Hochi  Shiiribun,  384,  375. 

Hoshi,  Toru,  386. 

Huxley,  222,  296. 

Impersonality  of  the  Orient, 
15. 

India,  education,  68  ff.;  Mogul 
rule  in,  64  ; British  rule  in, 
65;  the  vernaculars,  77,  81, 
84 ; press,  78  ; economic  and 
historic  studies.  93  ff.  ; reli- 
gious movements,  98  ff . ; social 
reform.  102  ff. ; unrest  in,  105; 
political  life,  110;  civil  ser- 
vice, 114;  National  Congress, 
80,  106  ; congresses  and  con- 
ferences, 83,  103 ; drama,  87  ; 
scientific  work,  88  ff. 

Individualism,  17,  54,  57,  128, 
138,  289. 

Industry,  household,  25. 

Inouye,  Tetsujiro,  52,  288,  296, 

846. 

Itagaki,  Count,  356,  357,  360, 

363. 

Ito,  Prince  (Count,  Marquis), 
346,  356.  357,  360,  362,  363, 

364,  366,  372,  377,  379,  385 

Iwano,  Homei,  324. 

Jainism,  42. 

James,  Henry,  322. 

James.  William,  44. 

Japan,  spiritism.  19  ; an  epitome 
of  Asia,  22  ; civilization,  29 ; 
nationalism,  31  ; nature  wor- 
ship, 32  ; energism,  52  ; sui- 
cide in,  54,  349  ; Chinese 
students  in,  172  ; influence  on 
Chinese  education,  210  ff. ; 
effect  of  victories,  227  ; Diet, 
265  ; religion,  280  ; Bud- 
dhism, 285  ; imperial  edict  on 
education  290  ; philosophical 


endowment,  295 ; historical 
studies,  298;  language,  302; 
imagination,  308  ; poetry, 
311 ; drama,  314  ff.;  journal- 
ism, 333;  literature,  320  ff.; 
education,  344  ; literary  ca- 
reers, 342;  biographical  writ- 
ing, 330  : leaders  in  scientific 
work,  353 ; parliamentary 
government,  355 ; electoral 
campaign,  359,  369;  Progres- 
sive and  Liberal  parties,  357, 
361 ; powers  of  the  Diet,  358. 
381  ; ministerial  responsibil- 
ity, 364,  372  ; House  of  Peers, 
365,  372,  382  ; controversy  on 
school  readers,  373;  political 
parties  and  foreign  affairs, 
374;  clan  government,  384; 
Privy  Council,  385 ; central- 
ization and  authority,  388. 

Journalism,  in  India,  81  ; in 
China,  159  ; in  Japan,  333. 

Ka  Ming-tang,  170. 

Kang  Yu  wei,  141,  159 

Kant,  296. 

Kato  Hiroyuki,  Baron  Dr.,  296, 
348,  349. 

Katsura,  Viscount,  362,  365, 
368,  370,  372. 

Kawakami  ( actor  ),  219. 

Kawakami,  Bizan,  337. 

Keio,  Gijuku,  338,  347. 

Kensei-to  ( party  alliance),  362. 

Kiangsu,  trouble  about  opium, 
245. 

King  Ya-mei,  Dr.,  193,  207. 

Kinnosuke,  201,  307,  322. 

Kitao,  Jiro,  Dr.,  340. 

Koda,  Rohan,  304,  321,  326. 

Kodama,  308,  365. 

! Kogaku-ha  (“back  to  anti- 
quity ” school  ) 295. 


394 


INDEX 


Kokumin,  335,  342. 

Ku  HuDg-ming,  152. 

Kume,  Kunitake,  280,  300. 
Kwantung,  recall  of  members  of 
the  assembly,  242  ff. 

Lao-Tse,  50,  122  ff. 

Liang  Chi-chao,  140,  185,  165. 
Liberal  party  in  Japan,  357,  361, 
363. 

Literary  education,  in  India, 
270  ; in  China,  189. 

Literature,  Bengali,  82,  99  ; 
Japanese,  320  ff.,  Chinese, 
163  ff. 

Macaulay,  Lord,  on  Indian 
education,  68. 

Mahavao,  SirT.,  111. 

Mail,  Tice  Japan,  272. 

Malabari,  103,  112. 

Manchu  dynasty,  187. 

Manchus  and  Chinese,  230. 
Mandarin  dialect,  221. 
Materialism,  184,  351. 

Masaoka,  Shiki,  314. 

Matsukata,  Count,  361. 
Maupassant,  323,  351. 

Maya,  Veil  of,  12,  14,  46. 
Meadows,  on  Chinese  political 
tradition,  121. 

Mehta,  Sir  P.,  112. 

Memory  training  in  India,  72. 
Mencius,  120. 

Militarism,  51. 

Mitra,  Bajendra  Lai,  96. 

Mitsui  & Co.,  286. 

Miyake,  Setsurei,  on  Ito  and 
Okuma,  379. 

Mori,  Kainan,  314. 

Morison,  Mr.  Theodore,  66. 
Milller,  Max,  on  Oriental  truth- 
fulness, 9. 

Mysticism,  13,  14,  102. 


Nagai,  Kafu,  325. 

Nagri  Pracharini  Sabha,  85. 
Nakae,  Tokusuke,  347. 
Nakamura,  Keiu,  348. 

Naoroji,  Dadabhai,  112. 
Nationalism,  47,  93. 

Natsume,  Soseki,  201,  307,  322. 
Naturalism  in  Japan,  323,  326. 
Natural  law,  59. 

Nature  in  the  Orient,  14,  27. 
Nature,  mastery  over,  57,  59, 90. 
Neo-Confucianism,  130,  132, 

149. 

Nichiren,  283. 

Nietzsche,  45,  49,  147,  283,  297, 
299. 

Nippon  Shugi  movement,  283, 
320. 

Nirvana,  24,  49. 

Nitobe,  Inazo,  Dr.,  339. 
Nivedita,  Sister,  46. 

No  plays,  314. 

Ogwai,  Mori,  324. 

Oishi,  374,  376. 

Okakura,  21. 

Okuma,  Count,  347,  356,  357, 
375,  376,  379,  385. 

Omiki  ( founder  of  a sect ),  284. 
Otani,  Kozui,  Count,  277. 
Ou-yang  Hsiu,  38. 

Oyomei,  eee  Wang  Tang-ming. 
Ozaki,  Koyo,  804,  307,  321. 

Pali  scholarship  in  India,  96. 
Paranjape,  R.  P.,91. 

Pacifism  in  China,  49,  124. 
Parsee  leaders  in  India,  112. 
Patriotism  in  Japan,  23. 

Peking,  university  of,  196. 
Pessimism,  Asiatic,  23,  27,  49. 
Plato,  45,  62,  126. 

Poetry  in  Japan,  311  ff. 
Pragmatism,  44,  139. 


INDEX 


395 


Press  in  India,  81 ; in  China, 
159  ; in  Japan,  233. 
Progressive  party  in  Japan,  357, 
361,  367,  371,  374. 

Provincial  assemblies  in  China, 
237  ff. 

Pulun,  Prince,  232,  250,  253. 

Queue  cutting  propaganda,  220, 
250. 

Quietism,  49,  125. 

Ramakrishna,  87,  101. 

Ranade,  M.  S.,  94,  103. 
Renaissance,  183. 

Renunciation,  42,  43. 
Revolutionary  doctrine  in  China, 
150,  169. 

Rousseau,  170, 176, 182,  296,  347. 
Roy,  Rammohun,  85. 

Russia,  4,  58. 

Russian  influence  on  Japanese 
literature,  323. 

Saito,  Ryokuwu,  337. 

Sanskrit  scholarship  in  India,  96. 
Satcho  leaders  in  Japan,  359. 
Schopenhauer,  3,  48,  297. 
Scientific  training,  59,  88,  156, 
346. 

Seiyukai  (Constitutional  Party), 
363,  366,  368,  371. 

Sen,  Keshub  C.,  80. 

Sen,  D.  C.,  94. 

Shaku,  Soyen,  278. 

Shibusawa,  Baron,  288. 

Shiga,  333. 

Shimazaki,  Toson,  313,  324. 
Shinto,  280,  284.  288,  312. 

Singh,  G.  N.,  46. 

Singh,  Sir  Amar,  89. 

Sircar,  Nalin  B.,  113. 

Socialist  ideas,  in  medieval 
China,  128. 


Spencer,  222,  283,  296. 

Spiritism,  16,  18,  58. 
Spirituality,  60. 

Suicide  in  Japan,  54,  349. 

Sun  Yat-sen,  Dr.,  170. 
Suyematsu,  Baron,  on  Japanese 
character,  294. 

Syed  Mahmud,  Justice,  114. 

Tagi,  Mir,  86. 

Tagore,  Rabindranath,  86,  87. 
Takayama,  283,  323. 

Tan  Sze-tong,  140. 

Tang  Shao-yi,  212. 

Taoism,  50,  122,  155. 

Tata  (Indian  philanthropist),  89. 
Tatsu  Maru  incident,  211. 
Tayama,  Kwatai,  325. 

Technical  education,  89,  346. 
Tenri  Kyokai  (sect),  284. 

Thibet,  153. 

Tilak,  B.  G.,  97. 

Toa  Dobunkai  (“  Society  of  the 
same  script  ’’),  210. 

Togo,  Admiral,  133. 

Tokio  life  in  literature,  228. 
Tokio,  student  life  in,  217  ; uni- 
versity of.  296,  345. 

Tokutomi,  Kenjiro,  341. 
Tokutomi,  Yichiro,  342. 
Tolstoy,  50,  341. 

Tong  Kai-son,  223. 

Toyabe,  Shuntei,  332. 

Tragic  feeling  in  Japan,  24, 
31. 

Truthfulness,  controversy  con- 
cerning, 5,  41. 

Tsai  Chu-tung,  132. 

Tsecheng  Yuan  (advisory  coun- 
cil), 231,  244  ff.,  &17. 
Tsuboiichi  Yuzo,  318,  321,  322. 
Tuan.  Fang,  174,  199,  207. 

United  States,  and  Chinese  ed- 


396 


INDEX 


ucation,  212,  the  returned  in- 
demnity fund,  217. 

Urdu,  84. 

Vedanta,  97,  100. 

Vedic  funeral  rite,  36. 

Veracity,  controversy  concern- 
ing, 541. 

Vidyasagar,  Ishwar  C.,  85,  96. 

Vivekananda,  44,  45,  47,  101, 

102. 

Wang-Yang-ming  (Oyomei),  21, 
44,  51,  132,  136,  148. 

Wang  An-shih,  128. 

Wong  Li-chow,  129,  130. 


Waseda  university,  347. 
Women,  education  of  in  China, 
207. 

Yacco,  Sada,  Madame,  319. 
Yamagata,  Marquis,  362,  365, 
368,  370,  385. 

Yang  Tau,  234. 

Yattabhuson,  97. 

Yellow  peril,  25,  34. 

Yen  Fu,  157,  212,  221. 

Yen  Sheng,  Duke,  200. 

Yin  Chang,  General,  252. 
Yoshikawa,  H.,  342. 

Yuan  Shi-kai,  199. 

Yushinkai  (Reform  Party),  370. 


<3Tbe  fiitoertfibe 

CAMBRIDGE  . MASSACHUSETTS 


U . S . A 


DATE  DUE 


Demco,  Inc.  38-293 


